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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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Pre-determiners 979<br />

c. *Wat die wijn betreft, ik heb reeds een prijskaartje aan alle gegeven.<br />

what that wine concerns I have already a price.tag to all given<br />

While the result <strong>of</strong> independent forms in subject, direct object <strong>and</strong> indirect<br />

object positions can systematically be improved by insertion <strong>of</strong> a plural pronoun to<br />

the left <strong>of</strong> the quantifiers, a more complex picture emerges when they function as the<br />

complement <strong>of</strong> a PP. The (a)-examples in (98) show that the [+HUMAN] examples in<br />

(96a) <strong>and</strong> (97a) become perfectly grammatical by inserting the strong pronoun hen,<br />

but not when we insert the weak pronoun ze. This peculiar fact that the weak<br />

pronoun cannot be used when the quantifier is the complement <strong>of</strong> a preposition<br />

probably also accounts for the fact, illustrated in the (b)-examples in (98), that<br />

insertion <strong>of</strong> a plural pronoun does not improve the [-HUMAN] cases in (96b) <strong>and</strong><br />

(97b), given that strong pronouns cannot be used to refer to [-HUMAN] entities; cf.<br />

Section 5.2.1.1.5, as well as Sections 7.1.2.2.1, sub II, <strong>and</strong> 7.1.2.2.2, sub II).<br />

(98) a. Ik heb reeds een uitnodiging aan hen/*ze alle twee/allebei gestuurd.<br />

I have already an invitation to them all two/all-both sent<br />

a′. Ik heb reeds een uitnodiging aan hen/*ze allen/beiden gestuurd.<br />

I have already an invitation to them all/both sent<br />

b. *Ik heb net een plaats aan hen/ze alle twee/allebei gegeven.<br />

I have just a place to them all two/all-both given<br />

b′. *Ik heb net een plaats aan hen/ze alle/beide gegeven.<br />

I have just a place to them all/both given<br />

The contrast in acceptability between the strong <strong>and</strong> weak form <strong>of</strong> the pronoun<br />

in the (a)-examples suggests that the modifier must form a constituent with the<br />

pronoun when it functions as the complement <strong>of</strong> a PP; cf. Section 7.1.2.2.2, sub IID.<br />

This seems to be confirmed by the fact that scrambling or topicalization <strong>of</strong> the PP<br />

must pied pipe the quantifier. This is illustrated in (99) for (98a) with allen.<br />

(99) a. Ik heb aan hen reeds een uitnodiging gestuurd.<br />

I have to them all already an invitation sent<br />

b. Aan hen heb ik reeds een uitnodiging gestuurd.<br />

to them all have I already an invitation sent<br />

From this we can safely conclude that the modifier <strong>and</strong> the pronoun form a<br />

constituent. This may also account for the fact that examples like (100) featuring the<br />

pronominal PP waar ... aan as indirect object are ungrammatical when the<br />

quantifier is present.<br />

(100) a. mijn vrienden waar ik een uitnodiging aan (*allen) gestuurd heb<br />

my friends where I an invitation to all sent have<br />

‘my friends to whom I have sent an invitation’<br />

b. de artikelen waar ik net een plaats aan (*alle) gegeven heb<br />

the articles where I just a place to all given have<br />

‘the article to which I have just given a place’<br />

The reason for the ungrammaticality is that R-pronominalization is excluded when<br />

the pronoun is part <strong>of</strong> a larger phrase. This is illustrated for the existentially

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