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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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592 Syntax <strong>of</strong> Dutch: nouns <strong>and</strong> noun phrases<br />

(45) a. Hij dronk enkele/vele liters/*liter bier.<br />

he drank some/many liters/liter [<strong>of</strong>] beer<br />

b. Er viel/ *? vielen enkele meters sneeuw.<br />

there fellsg/pl some meters [<strong>of</strong>] snow<br />

‘there fell many meters <strong>of</strong> snow’<br />

C. <strong><strong>Noun</strong>s</strong> involved in the measurement <strong>of</strong> time<br />

Measure nouns involved in measuring time must be plural when preceded by a<br />

numeral, as shown by (46a). Nevertheless, we are dealing with a purely quantificational<br />

construction here: the QC does not refer to five separate units <strong>of</strong> vacation<br />

<strong>of</strong> a week each — in fact, there is no implication whatsoever about the temporal<br />

units involved.<br />

(46) a. We hebben vijf weken/*week vakantie per jaar.<br />

we have five weekpl/sg [<strong>of</strong>] vacation per year<br />

b. Vijf weken vakantie per jaar is/ ?? zijn eigenlijk te weinig.<br />

five weeks [<strong>of</strong>] vacation per year is/are actually too little<br />

It is not clear to us whether the QC vijf weken vakantie should be treated on a par<br />

with QCs like twee liter melk. Apart from the difference in plural marking, the two<br />

constructions differ in that in the former the N2 vakantie can be replaced by the<br />

adjective vrij ‘free/<strong>of</strong>f’ without any clear difference in meaning, whereas adjectives<br />

can never be combined with a measure noun like liter. This fact suggests that we are<br />

dealing with a °second order predicate in example (46b). This would also account<br />

for the fact that the binominal construction in (46b) triggers singular agreement on<br />

the verb despite the fact that N1 is plural: the verb always exhibits singular<br />

agreement when we are dealing with second order predication.<br />

(47) Vijf weken vrij per jaar is eigenlijk te weinig.<br />

five weeks <strong>of</strong>f per year is actually too little<br />

II. Diminutive formation<br />

The three types <strong>of</strong> N1s also differ with respect to diminutive formation. The<br />

examples in (48c-d) show that the referential nouns allow it, whereas (48a) shows<br />

that quantifier nouns do not. As expected, the measure nouns again show mixed<br />

behavior: diminutivization is possible when they are interpreted referentially, but<br />

not when they are interpreted quantificationally. That the diminutive is derived from<br />

the referential <strong>and</strong> not the quantificational measure noun is clear from the fact<br />

illustrated by (48b′) that they must be pluralized when preceded by a cardinal<br />

numeral.<br />

(48) a. *een boeltje mensen [QN]<br />

a lotdim [<strong>of</strong>] people<br />

b. een litertje melk b′. twee litertjes/*litertje melk [MN]<br />

a literdim [<strong>of</strong>] milk two litersdim/literdim [<strong>of</strong>] milk<br />

c. een emmertje peren c′. twee emmertjes peren [ConN]<br />

a bucketdim [<strong>of</strong>] pears two bucketsdim [<strong>of</strong>] pears

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