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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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808 Syntax <strong>of</strong> Dutch: nouns <strong>and</strong> noun phrases<br />

knurven ‘to knurf’, the first interpretation that will come to mind for a sentence like<br />

Jan en Marie knurven elkaar ‘Jan <strong>and</strong> Marie are knurving each other’ is that it<br />

implies that both “Jan is KNURVing Marie” <strong>and</strong> “Marie is KNURVing Jan” are true;<br />

similarly a sentence like De jongens knurven elkaar ‘The boys are knurving each<br />

other’ will be taken to imply that each <strong>of</strong> the boys is knurving the others.<br />

Nevertheless it seems that the notion <strong>of</strong> “reciprocity” may be absent when we<br />

are dealing with asymmetric predicates. Examples <strong>of</strong> such asymmetric predicates<br />

can be found in clauses containing locational or temporal phrases like to sit in front<br />

<strong>of</strong>: if Jan is sitting in front <strong>of</strong> Marie, it immediately follows that Marie does not sit<br />

in front <strong>of</strong> Jan. The examples in (378) show that elkaar can nevertheless be used<br />

with such predicates.<br />

(378) • Non-reciprocal interpretation <strong>of</strong> elkaar<br />

a. Jan en Marie zitten achter elkaar.<br />

Jan <strong>and</strong> Marie sit behind each.other<br />

b. De jongens gingen na elkaar weg.<br />

the boys went after each.other away<br />

‘The boys left one after the other.’<br />

c. Ik stapel de dozen op elkaar.<br />

I pile the boxes on each.other<br />

‘I am piling the boxes, one on top <strong>of</strong> the other.’<br />

The examples in (379) show that constructions like these do not always yield an<br />

acceptable result. Possibly, the difference in acceptability between (378) <strong>and</strong> (379)<br />

is due to the fact that in (379) the intended relation can simply be expressed by<br />

means <strong>of</strong> the symmetric preposition naast ‘next-to’, whereas Dutch lacks symmetric<br />

prepositions that could express the intended relations in (378). To our knowledge,<br />

differences like these have never been systematically investigated.<br />

(379) a. *Jan en Marie zitten links van elkaar.<br />

Jan <strong>and</strong> Marie sit to.the.left <strong>of</strong> each.other<br />

‘Jan <strong>and</strong> Marie are sitting to the left <strong>of</strong> each other.’<br />

b. ?? Ik leg de dozen rechts van elkaar.<br />

I put the boxes to.the.right <strong>of</strong> each.other<br />

‘I put the boxes to the right <strong>of</strong> each other.’<br />

III. Binding<br />

A satisfactory discussion <strong>of</strong> reflexive, reciprocal, <strong>and</strong> referential personal pronouns<br />

implies that some attention must be paid to the syntactic constraints on their<br />

interpretation: it is not the case that they can be coreferential with just any noun<br />

phrase in the sentence. These syntactic restrictions on what has become known as<br />

BINDING have been in the center <strong>of</strong> much generative research <strong>of</strong> the last forty years,<br />

<strong>and</strong> it seems impossible to do full justice to this research within the confines <strong>of</strong> this<br />

study on nouns <strong>and</strong> their projections. Nevertheless, although we plan to discuss this<br />

topic more extensively elsewhere, we still want to highlight some <strong>of</strong> the results <strong>of</strong><br />

this research here; see Broekhuis (1994) for a preliminary version <strong>of</strong> the more<br />

exhaustive discussion <strong>of</strong> this issue.

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