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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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584 Syntax <strong>of</strong> Dutch: nouns <strong>and</strong> noun phrases<br />

(23) a. Jan rookt tabak/een sigaar.<br />

Jan smokes tobacco/a cigar<br />

b. $ Jan rookt een doos.<br />

Jan smokes a box<br />

c. Jan rookt een doos sigaren.<br />

Jan smokes a box [<strong>of</strong>] cigars<br />

In passing, note we have put aside that example (23b) is acceptable under a<br />

generic/habitual interpretation: Hij rookt een doos per dag ‘He smokes a box per<br />

day’. In cases like these, we are dealing with an elliptic QC construction: Jan does<br />

not smoke the box, but its contents. Such constructions are only acceptable when<br />

information about the contents <strong>of</strong> the box is available to the addressee.<br />

It is important to note that the descriptive content <strong>of</strong> the container noun in the<br />

QC een doos sigaren in (23c) has been backgrounded in favor <strong>of</strong> the package unit<br />

reading: the QC does not refer to a box with certain contents but to a certain number<br />

<strong>of</strong> cigars. This does not mean, however, that this happens in all cases. Consider the<br />

examples in (24), where the verb sluiten ‘to close’ is substituted for the verb roken<br />

‘to smoke’ in (23). The examples in (24a&b) show that the noun phrase sigaren<br />

cannot satisfy the semantic selection restrictions <strong>of</strong> this verb, whereas the noun<br />

phrase een doos can. From the fact that (24c) is acceptable, we must conclude that<br />

N1 functions as the semantic head <strong>of</strong> the QC, which implies that it has retained its<br />

descriptive content: we are still referring to a box with certain contents, not to a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> cigars. The contrast between (23) <strong>and</strong> (24) therefore shows that QCs<br />

headed by a container noun are ambiguous.<br />

(24) a. $ Jan sloot sigaren.<br />

Jan closed cigars<br />

b. Jan sloot een doos.<br />

Jan closed a box<br />

c. Jan sloot een doos sigaren.<br />

Jan closed a box [<strong>of</strong>] cigars<br />

‘Jan closed a box <strong>of</strong> cigars.’<br />

It seems that the measure, collective <strong>and</strong> part nouns behave just like the<br />

container nouns. We will therefore restrict our discussion <strong>of</strong> these types by showing<br />

in (25) that in QCs headed by these nouns, N2 may also satisfy the semantic<br />

selection restrictions imposed by the verb.<br />

(25) a. Jan at een kilo paddenstoelen.<br />

Jan ate a kilo [<strong>of</strong>] mushrooms<br />

b. Hij is gestoken door een zwerm wespen.<br />

he has.been stung by a swarm [<strong>of</strong>] wasps<br />

c. Hij heeft een stuk taart opgegeten.<br />

he has a piece [<strong>of</strong>] cake prt.-eaten<br />

This subsection has shown that most QCs are ambiguous depending on whether<br />

N1 receives a more referential or a more quantification interpretation: in the former<br />

case it is N1 that functions as the semantic head <strong>of</strong> the construction <strong>and</strong> in the latter<br />

case it is N2 that has this function. The question which head functions as the

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