Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

598 Syntax of Dutch: nouns and noun phrases
agrees in gender and number with N2. Container, part and collective nouns can
readily be combined with demonstrative pronouns, and agree with them in number
and gender. Measure nouns, again, show a more hybrid behavior.
III. Possessive pronouns
Example (60a) shows that possessive pronouns always seem to give rise to a
degraded result with quantifier nouns, regardless of whether a modifier is present or
not. The use of a possessor is at least marginally possible with a measure noun like
pond in (60b): the measure noun must receive a referential interpretation in this
case. Possessive pronouns are readily possible with the referential nouns in (60c-e).
(60) a. *mijn paar boeken (die ik gelezen heb)
my couple [of] books that I read have
b. ? Hier ligt mijn pond kaas, en daar het jouwe.
here lies my pound of cheese and there yours
c. mijn kistje sigaren
my boxdim [of] cigars
d. mijn stuk zeep
my piece [of] soap
e. zijn groepje studenten
his groupdim [of] students
IV. Quantifiers and cardinal numerals
The examples in (61) show that a quantifier noun like boel ‘lot of’ cannot be
preceded by a quantifier or numeral. The ungrammaticality of (61a) is not surprising
given that the quantifiers sommige ‘some’/alle ‘all’ and the numeral vier ‘four’
require a plural noun, whereas the quantifier noun cannot be pluralized; cf. (39).
That appealing to this fact is not sufficient to account for the ungrammaticality of
(61a) is clear from the ungrammaticality of (61b): the distributive quantifier elk
‘each’ requires a singular noun.
(61) a. *sommige/alle/vier boel(en) schoenen
some/all/four lot(s) [of] shoes
b. *elke boel schoenen
each lot [of] shoes
The ungrammaticality of the examples in (61) must therefore be related to the
quantificational function of the quantifier nouns. This can be done by appealing to
the fact, which will be discussed extensively in Chapter 6, that quantifiers and
numerals operate on sets; given that quantifier nouns do not denote sets, the
quantifier/numeral cannot perform its function. Note that the quantifier/numeral
cannot operate on N2 either since that is precisely the function of the quantifier
noun: it is never possible to have two quantifiers or numerals that take °scope over
the same noun phrase.
The examples in (62) show that container, part and collective nouns freely cooccur
with quantifiers. It must be noted, however, that these nouns have lost their
quantificational property in the sense that in these cases the QCs refer to concrete
cups, pieces and flocks.