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Stockholmarnas resvanor - mellan trängselskatt och klimatdebatt

Stockholmarnas resvanor - mellan trängselskatt och klimatdebatt

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than her transport of children, which is organised by mobile phone and<br />

at short notice. The mother’s diary also lists early morning transport of a<br />

teenage child to a temporary job as a preschool supply teacher, showing<br />

that some children’s activities, such as jobs and school, have a high priority.<br />

Some trips and activities are thus improvised for various reasons, while<br />

others are routine or are planned well in advance.<br />

Another example of unscheduled and non-habitual journeys was a 23-<br />

year old girl being phoned by her cousin and aunt, who had bought clothes<br />

from a famous designer collection at a major store and who invited<br />

the girl and her mother to come and see the clothes. They also wanted to<br />

show off the aunt’s new studio. Whithin an hour or so, the girl and her<br />

mother travelled by train and underground from the suburbs to the aunt’s<br />

house in the city centre. This trip was possible because none of the four<br />

had other commitments that morning. It was a case of short-term planning<br />

and instant choices, of seizing an opportunity. But from a longer-term<br />

perspective, a trip and meeting of this kind will probably happen sooner<br />

or later. In the background, family relationships between two siblings and<br />

their daughters, needs, desires and expectations are continually changing<br />

and are manifested occasionally in shared activities. This shows that it is<br />

not easy to consistently divide trips into those planned in the short- and<br />

long-term, since planning expectations act on different levels. There is a<br />

level of fundamental values and reasons for travel, e.g. to maintain social<br />

contact with family and friends, and a level where temporary circumstances<br />

apply. From the interplay of these levels, a decision arises on whether<br />

to make a particular trip.<br />

It was difficult to detect any influence of traffic policy instruments on<br />

travel by the car-owning families (prior to congestion charges). However,<br />

parking regulations seemed to influence their trips to the city centre, as<br />

did the risk of congestion and other inconveniences particular to the city<br />

centre and its approaches. For some informants, the perceived complicated<br />

conditions for driving in the inner city made them refrain from this almost<br />

totally, although they drove a lot outside town.<br />

The study of the car-free families showed that circumstances at certain<br />

points in life, e.g. parental leave or study, dictated their choice of being<br />

car-free and mainly using public transport and bicycle. Another important<br />

circumstance was place of residence. Two of the families studied lived in<br />

the inner city, which was expressed as a goal in itself but also constituted<br />

a barrier to car ownership. In a clear parallel with the previous study, the<br />

inconveniencies that hindered the car families from driving in the inner<br />

city, e.g. parking congestion, etc., hindered the families living there from<br />

Summary 179

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