"evropuli qartia saqarTvelo "European Charter for Regional or ...

The above-mentioned similar phenomena are discussed in the
common context in literature. According to V. Topuria, this common
phenomenon has a shared basis: it developed on a purely phonetical basis
through assimilation indeed in different periods and varying distribution
and intensity (V. Topuria, 1954). 300
Nominative case marker i is often truncated in nouns with the
consonant final stem and the noun is represented in the form of a root.
This is especially typical to the Svan and Pkhovian dialects, it occurs
also in Megrelian, Fereydanian, Kakian, Kartlian, etc. For instance,
did tovli (Pshavian); ak val ağar gvakv... (Khevsurian); ķaħeleb mtaši
midiodnen (Kartlian); ĥar ċawqoni (Kakian), etc. Ķoč meurs "a man is
leaving", boš ĉaruns "a boy is writing" (Megrelian)... ĉäš äĉme "a husband
is mowing", ĥän aĥni "an ox is plowing" (Svan).
In special literature the above-mentioned phenomenon is explained
by the tendency of the Georgian language towards a closed syllable
(T. Uturgaidze, 1976, p. 132).
Thus, the Nominative case marker (i/y/Ø) is common for all
Kartvelian sub-systems.
The Ergative case is marked by –ma/-m allomorphs in literary
Georgian. In the Kartvelian dialects the Narrative case is marked by different
markers: k (Megrelian-Chan), -em/-d (Svan).
In special literature the data of the archaic literary Georgian as
well as Kartvelian dialects is discussed within the same context.
The main allomorph of the Kartvelian Ergative marker is connected
with "man" morphemoid, which originates from a demonstrative
pronoun.
According to the shared view, -ma/-m suffix is derived from 3rd
person pronoun man (G. Deeters, 1930, p. 95; Arn. Chikobava, 1939,
pp. 168, 173, etc.).
In view of B. Kikvidze and G. Machavariani, the particle
man/aman (which has a determination function) occurs in Svan as well,
from which the Ergative marker -em/-m is derived. The pronoun aman
which is typical to the Old Georgian Narrative case, must be restored
300 The same view is developed by M. Kaldani (1974) and B. Jorbenadze (1995).
255