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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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METHODS FOR EMPIRICAL RESEARCH 37<br />

10. The subject returns to the original goal of figuring out what goes in the lower<br />

right, a task quickly accomplished once the subgoal of finding the rule is<br />

achieved.<br />

This analysis shows how the search-inference framework enables us to categorize<br />

the moves that a thinker makes in the course of thinking. Notice that a given<br />

move can belong to two different categories, because the move may have two different<br />

functions; for example, in move 6, the same object is both a possibility <strong>and</strong><br />

a new subgoal. A given phase in an episode of thinking can contain other episodes<br />

of thinking, which can contain others, <strong>and</strong> so on. For example, the task of searching<br />

for the goal might involve trying to underst<strong>and</strong> the instructions, which might involve<br />

searching for possibilities <strong>and</strong> for evidence about the meaning of words such as “matrix”<br />

(if one did not know the meaning already). As an exercise, you might find it<br />

useful to generate another verbal protocol of your own thinking about some problem<br />

<strong>and</strong> analyze it in this way.<br />

Psychologists have developed a great variety of other methods for analyzing<br />

think-aloud protocols. (Ericsson <strong>and</strong> Simon, 1980, review a number of these.) Different<br />

approaches use different units of analysis. Some investigators allow the system<br />

of analysis itself to define the unit: I did this in the example just given, using as units<br />

the categories of the search-inference framework. Other investigators divide the protocol<br />

into linguistic units, such as sentences. Others use time measurements, dividing<br />

the protocol into 5- or 10-second units <strong>and</strong> analyzing what is happening (or not happening)<br />

in each unit. Approaches also differ in the categories used. The method<br />

of analysis is closely linked with the investigator’s own goals <strong>and</strong> the theoretical or<br />

practical questions that led to the work.<br />

Despite the extensive use of this method, many doubts have been raised over the<br />

years about its adequacy:<br />

1. Some mental processes do not produce much that is accessible for conscious<br />

report. Or the processes may go by too quickly for the subject to remember<br />

them.<br />

2. The instruction to think aloud may induce subjects to think differently than<br />

they ordinarily would. For example, they could think less quickly because of<br />

the need to verbalize everything. Verbalization could interfere with thinking,<br />

or it could help by forcing thinkers to be more careful. Both of these results<br />

have been found, but it has also been found that in many tasks verbalization<br />

has no apparent effect (Ericsson <strong>and</strong> Simon, 1980).<br />

3. Verbal protocols might be misleading with respect to the underlying determinants<br />

of the subjects’ behavior. For example, suppose that you are deciding<br />

whether to buy a used television set, <strong>and</strong> you say, “The picture is nice, but<br />

the sound isn’t very good, <strong>and</strong> $200 is too expensive. I’ll keep looking.” One<br />

might infer from this that you are following a rule that you should not pay more<br />

than $200, no matter what. Although this may be true, it may instead be true

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