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Thinking and Deciding

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512 RISK<br />

Although Option 2 leads to a total reduction of 5 cases, <strong>and</strong> Options 1 <strong>and</strong> 3 lead<br />

to a total of 6 cases, 42% of the subjects (who included judges <strong>and</strong> legislative aides)<br />

ranked Option 2 as better than one of the others.<br />

In sum, the zero-risk bias is found in questionnaires as well as in real life. It may<br />

have a normative justification. When risk is completely removed, people may worry<br />

less, <strong>and</strong> the elimination of worry has utility. Note, though, that the worry itself<br />

depends on a framing effect. Risk is never reduced to zero. (We all die eventually.)<br />

When we think that risk is reduced to zero, it is because we have isolated some<br />

particular risk, such as the risk of a certain kind of cancer from a certain hazardouswaste<br />

site. The risk of cancer is still not reduced to zero, nor is the risk of cancer from<br />

hazardous waste in general. Possibly, if people understood that what matters is the<br />

total risk, they would worry more about the bigger risks that they can do something<br />

about.<br />

Individual versus statistical<br />

There is a distinction between an individual life <strong>and</strong> a statistical life. Let<br />

a 6-year-old girl with brown hair need thous<strong>and</strong>s of dollars for an operation<br />

that will prolong her life until Christmas, <strong>and</strong> the post office will be<br />

swamped with nickels <strong>and</strong> dimes to save her. But let it be reported that<br />

without a sales tax the hospital facilities of Massachusetts will deteriorate<br />

<strong>and</strong> cause a barely perceptible increase in preventable deaths — not<br />

many will drop a tear or reach for their checkbooks. (Schelling, 1968)<br />

The quote is from an article on the value of life published in 1968. In 1987,<br />

eighteen-month old Jessica McClure spent fifty-eight hours trapped in a well. Her<br />

family received $700,000 in contributions, mostly in the months after her rescue.<br />

Charities that advertise for money to help poor children often feature pictures of<br />

individual children. Some even try to associate the donor with an individual child in<br />

some far-off l<strong>and</strong>. Why do people seem to place a higher value on individual lives as<br />

opposed to statistical lives?<br />

A study by Jenni <strong>and</strong> Loewenstein (1997) relates this effect to the proportionality<br />

effect just described (after failing to find evidence for other explanations, such as<br />

vividness). The idea is that saving a single life is seen as correcting 100% of the<br />

problem, while a small reduction in the death rate is seen as a small proportion of<br />

the problem of “premature” death. Provision of identifying information, such as a<br />

picture, increases willingness to help in the case of a single individual, but not in the<br />

case of helping a group (Kogut <strong>and</strong> Ritov, 2005).<br />

Natural versus artificial<br />

People are more concerned about artificial risks than about natural ones. Synthetic<br />

chemicals added to food are often banned because they cause cancer in tests on<br />

animals. Yet, if natural foods are broken up into their constituent chemicals, these too

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