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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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NEGOTIATION 439<br />

c<strong>and</strong>id about what was important. The same nonoptimal outcome can result if the<br />

parties negotiate about each dimension separately. The possibilities for trades that<br />

benefit both sides would simply not be recognized.<br />

The more specific you can be about relative importance, the better. If, for example,<br />

two roommates are negotiating about doing the housework, it helps to be able to<br />

say, “Two hours of cleaning are equivalent to one hour of cooking, for me, because<br />

I hate cleaning so much.” If the other roommate feels the opposite, then the optimal<br />

solution is for one to do all the cooking <strong>and</strong> the other all the cleaning. This is far<br />

better than splitting everything equally.<br />

Note that it is still possible to bargain hard while being honest about the relative<br />

importance of the dimensions to you. The point of honesty about relative importance<br />

is to make sure that you get to the Pareto frontier. The hard bargaining is about where<br />

on that frontier you wind up.<br />

The danger here is real. Many laboratory studies show that college students<br />

left to their own devices will not arrive at Pareto-optimal solutions, unless they are<br />

given specific advice about how to talk about their tradeoffs or unless they have<br />

experience in the same situation (Bazerman, Magliozzi, <strong>and</strong> Neale, 1985; Pruitt <strong>and</strong><br />

Lewis, 1975). Even in international negotiations (such as the Uruguay round of the<br />

General Agreement on Tariffs <strong>and</strong> Trade), experienced negotiators make the mistake<br />

of “settling one issue at a time” — first agriculture, then telecommunications, <strong>and</strong> so<br />

forth — when it is possible that these could be h<strong>and</strong>led integratively. (An exception<br />

to the usual muddling was the Camp David negotiation mediated by President Carter,<br />

as described by Raiffa, 1982.)<br />

Negotiations of all sorts — simple <strong>and</strong> integrative — often founder on differences<br />

between the parties in their perception of what is fair. Nobody wants to accept an unfair<br />

deal. Much of the discussion in negotiations is about fairness. Even when selling<br />

a house, the parties can quibble about the price of similar houses on the market. They<br />

assume here that the fair price is the market price. In more complex negotiations, the<br />

parties may have different conceptions of fairness. In a labor negotiation about the<br />

salary increases of workers, for example, several st<strong>and</strong>ards of fairness are available<br />

— wages of similar workers in other companies, wage increases of other workers (in<br />

dollars or percentages), the rate of inflation, the income of the firm, <strong>and</strong> so forth —<br />

<strong>and</strong> each side can be expected to choose the st<strong>and</strong>ard that gives it a better outcome<br />

(Elster, 1989b, ch. 6).<br />

When the parties learn more about their situation, a kind of polarization effect<br />

(Chapter 9) can occur, in which each party uses every new piece of information<br />

that provides a favorable view of what is fair, while ignoring information favoring<br />

the other side. As a result, provision of information to the parties increases the<br />

difficulty of reaching agreement (Camerer <strong>and</strong> Loewenstein, 1993; Thompson <strong>and</strong><br />

Loewenstein, 1992).

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