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Thinking and Deciding

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CLASSIFICATION OF BIASES 55<br />

table, only Section I is properly about the role of heuristics. Sections II <strong>and</strong> III focus<br />

on other kinds of explanations of biases. The meaning of the terms in this table is<br />

the subject of most of the rest of this book, so the reader might refer back to this<br />

table as a way of thinking about the organization of the subsequent material. This<br />

organization is different from the organization of chapters, which follows the type of<br />

normative models at issue.<br />

The classification of biases in this table is meant to be suggestive, not final. Research<br />

might reveal that some biases are in two different categories, or a different<br />

category from that shown here. Some biases violate more than one normative model,<br />

but I have given only one in the table. When the normative model listed is “right<br />

answer,” the subjects are asked a particular question, such as the number of balls in a<br />

jar, <strong>and</strong> the bias is that they make errors consistently in one direction away from the<br />

correct answer.<br />

To anticipate with just a little explanation of the three sections, Section I deals<br />

with attending to one attribute when other attributes are relevant. For example, in the<br />

bias called single-mindedness, people pay attention only to a single goal, ignoring<br />

the effects of options on other goals, such as choosing a university on the basis of<br />

academic quality alone, ignoring other issues that matter such as cost <strong>and</strong> location.<br />

All the explanations in this section can be seen as heuristics.<br />

Section I.A. deals with biases in which the attribute in question captures our<br />

attention because it is the result of recent or immanent events. For example, in the<br />

availability effect people estimate the risk of death in airplanes to be higher just after<br />

they have heard about an airplane crash. They are attending to their vivid memory<br />

<strong>and</strong> ignoring (perhaps) what they have heard about airplanes being safer than cars.<br />

Section I.B. covers biases in which one attribute is used because it is usually a<br />

good indicator for another attribute. In the probability problem with the sequence of<br />

births, the appearance of typicality is usually a good indicator of probability, but it<br />

isn’t in this case. The biases in this section are based on counterexamples to correlations<br />

that are often reliable. These biases are the ones most closely related to failures<br />

of underst<strong>and</strong>ing as discussed earlier.<br />

Section I.C. concerns cases in which people isolate, or focus on, one attribute<br />

even though it is not particularly salient or not particularly useful as an indicator.<br />

They seem less aware of other attributes that are relevant according to a normative<br />

model. For example, in the illusion of control, people judge their control over a<br />

positive event (getting a reward) in terms of the number of successes that follow one<br />

type of act, such as pressing the right-h<strong>and</strong> button, ignoring the question of whether<br />

this action is necessary, for example, whether the positive event might be just as<br />

frequent if they pressed the left-h<strong>and</strong> button or did nothing at all. These kinds of<br />

biases are often nonobvious because they require some familiarity with the normative<br />

model itself. In this case, the normative model specifies how control requires the<br />

ability to prevent an event as well as to produce it.<br />

Section II is concerned with biases that result from effects of goals or desires on<br />

beliefs. Normatively, beliefs are about truth, about correspondence with the world as<br />

it is. We use these beliefs, together with our goals, to make decisions. We can achieve

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