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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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304 CHOICE UNDER CERTAINTY<br />

We sell things to ourselves as well. Some of us would not pay $10 for a dessert<br />

or $30 for a $10 bottle of wine, if we bought them in a bakery or wine store, but are<br />

quite willing to pay that much if they are added on to a restaurant bill that is already<br />

over $100. The dessert or the wine is segregated, but the loss of the $10 or the $30 is<br />

integrated with the total price of the dinner. As an addition to the bill, the extra price<br />

does not seem so much. In general, integration of losses reduces their effect on our<br />

decision. Segregation of gains increases their effect. This combination, therefore,<br />

encourages any transaction in which someone suffers a loss to obtain a gain — for<br />

example, when someone pays money to obtain a combination of goods or services.<br />

Mental accounts affect the effort we make to save money when we buy things.<br />

The degree of effort seems to depend on the subjective value of the money saved, not<br />

the amount of the money. Many of us are willing to spend as much effort to save $1<br />

on a $10 purchase as we would to save $100 on a $1,000 purchase. Here is a good<br />

example:<br />

Imagine that you are about to purchase a jacket for $125, <strong>and</strong> a calculator<br />

for $15. The calculator salesman informs you that the calculator you<br />

wish to buy is on sale for $10 at the other branch of the store, located<br />

20 minutes’ drive away. Would you make the trip to the other store?<br />

(Tversky <strong>and</strong> Kahneman, 1981, p. 457)<br />

Most subjects asked were willing to make the trip to save the $5. Very few subjects<br />

were willing to make the trip to save $5 on the jacket, though, in an otherwise identical<br />

problem. In both cases, the “real” question is whether you would be willing to<br />

drive twenty minutes for $5. If the savings is part of your mental account for the<br />

calculator, the savings is subjectively greater than it is if it is part of your account for<br />

the jacket, because of the convexity of the curve of the Value function for losses.<br />

More generally, whenever we spend money in order to buy something or in order<br />

to make an investment, we are in effect “mixing” gains <strong>and</strong> losses. We lose whatever<br />

money we pay <strong>and</strong> we gain the purchase or investment. If we mentally segregate<br />

these gains <strong>and</strong> losses from each other, the losses will appear to be greater than if we<br />

integrate them, because of the curves of the Value function for losses <strong>and</strong> gains.<br />

As a result, monetary losses appear more acceptable if they are integrated with<br />

gains. For example, most employees are not as upset by the deduction of taxes, insurance,<br />

investments, charity contributions, <strong>and</strong> union dues from their paychecks as<br />

they would be if they had to pay each of these things separately. Deduction practically<br />

ensures mental integration, because many employees do not bother to think<br />

about what their take-home pay would be without the deductions. Separate payment<br />

would permit the employees to mentally segregate the accounts. It is not necessarily<br />

wrong to think about a paycheck in this integrated way. In fact, one can argue that<br />

this is the right way to think about things, if we want to approach expected-utility<br />

theory. The deductions might be worthwhile, when seen as a reduction in our total<br />

income. The problem arises when we do not integrate gains <strong>and</strong> losses for other<br />

purchases, such as books or common stocks, which we are therefore less likely to<br />

purchase than we would be if they, too, were deducted from our paychecks.

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