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Thinking and Deciding

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THE PSYCHOLOGY OF HYPOTHESIS TESTING 169<br />

case, there is a single relevant cue, the shape of the little symbol in the upper lefth<strong>and</strong><br />

corner of each card. The concept “seven,” in cards, is based on a different cue<br />

— the number printed in the corner (or seven symbols in the middle of the card).<br />

Cues are also called attributes or features of things.<br />

Concept formation<br />

In some cases, the theory holds, a concept is characterized by a conjunction of cues<br />

or features: that is, by all of them together, an “<strong>and</strong>” relationship. The concept<br />

“seven of spades” is characterized by both the numer <strong>and</strong> the suit. A “bachelor” is<br />

characterized by the features “unmarried, male, adult.” In other cases, a concept is<br />

characterized by a disjunction of features: that is, one of several features, an “or”<br />

relationship. A “face card” (in some games) is either “a card with a picture” or “an<br />

ace.” “Earned income” consists of “wages, salaries, tips, commissions, etc.”<br />

According to the traditional view in psychology (which is by no means well<br />

accepted today), we ordinarily learn concepts by testing hypotheses about the cues or<br />

features. Consistent with this view is the finding that young children, while they are<br />

first learning the meaning of words such as “dog,” often make mistakes that appear<br />

to be based on incorrect hypotheses that they have not yet eliminated by critical tests<br />

or evidence. A young child might first suppose that the word “dog” refers to any<br />

four-legged animal. Only by trying the word out on cows <strong>and</strong> being corrected does<br />

the child discover that this hypothesis is incorrect. Similarly, one child used “ba-ba”<br />

to refer not only to herself but to other people, <strong>and</strong> the cat as well (Ingram, 1971); her<br />

concept was defined by the single feature of animacy. At some point she observed<br />

that adults used the word “baby” to refer only to creatures that were small <strong>and</strong> human<br />

as well as animate. When testing a hypothesis about the meaning of a word, a child<br />

often has to wait for evidence provided by other people. Adults do not always provide<br />

feedback when a child uses a word incorrectly, so, the theory claims, it is difficult<br />

for children to carry out experiments to actively test their hypotheses. Bruner <strong>and</strong> his<br />

colleagues also distinguished between “deterministic” <strong>and</strong> “probabilistic” cues.<br />

Given this view of concepts, psychologists hoped to improve their underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

of how we learn concepts by asking subjects to learn artificial concepts in the laboratory.<br />

Bruner, Goodnow, <strong>and</strong> Austin performed a classic set of experiments using this<br />

design (1956). In most of their experiments, the stimuli were cards (special ones,<br />

not an ordinary deck) that varied along four dimensions: number of forms printed<br />

on them (1, 2, or 3); number of borders (1, 2, or 3); type of form (cross, square,<br />

or circle); <strong>and</strong> color (green, red, or black). Some subjects were asked to discover a<br />

deterministic concept that described a particular category, a subset of the 81 cards.<br />

For example, a category might be “black crosses” or simply “black.” Subjects could<br />

do this by pointing to one of the cards <strong>and</strong> asking the experimenter whether or not<br />

the card was in the category. This was called a selection experiment, because the<br />

subjects selected the cards. In reception experiments, the experimenter chose the<br />

cards (r<strong>and</strong>omly). The subject guessed whether each card was in the category or not<br />

<strong>and</strong> received feedback from the experimenter.

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