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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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482 DECISIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE<br />

that you value the future as much as the present. It does imply, however, that if you<br />

value the future less than the present, you do it in a consistent way. Such consistency<br />

can be shown to imply (barring special events) that in each unit of time (into the<br />

future) the value of a reward will fall off by a constant percentage of its value at the<br />

beginning of the interval (Lancaster, 1963; Strotz, 1955). 6<br />

For the time being, however, let us assume that one ought to be impartial toward<br />

all times of one’s life. If we think of people at different times as though they were<br />

different people, this amounts to the assumption made by utilitarianism that everyone<br />

should be treated equally. (Note that when we apply utilitarianism to decisions about<br />

others, we ought to consider their future preferences as equal in importance to their<br />

present preferences. This often gives us a strong moral reason to go against what<br />

people say they want when they do not think enough about their own future.) This<br />

assumption of impartiality still implies (except when there are special circumstances)<br />

a discount function like that shown earlier, in which the rate of loss with increasing<br />

delay is constant as a percentage.<br />

Descriptive data on discounting<br />

People often discount too much (relative to the st<strong>and</strong>ard of impartiality just described),<br />

<strong>and</strong> they are dynamically inconsistent. These two results may be related.<br />

Other results have been found repeatedly.<br />

The subjective discount rate<br />

How do individuals discount money? Some economists (for example, Modigliani,<br />

1986) have suggested that the discount rate for money corresponds roughly to the actual<br />

rate of interest <strong>and</strong> that most people try to spread out their income over their lives<br />

so as to achieve a constant income (adjusted for inflation). The fact that many people<br />

put their money in pension funds <strong>and</strong> other methods of saving is surely consistent<br />

with this view. Pension funds ensure a relatively constant income after retirement;<br />

failure to save for retirement is surely an example of underweighing the future, unless<br />

one knows that one will never retire. By this view, people care as much about<br />

their future as about their present.<br />

Thaler <strong>and</strong> Shefrin (1981) have argued, however, that such saving is not spontaneous.<br />

It is, rather, the result of conscious efforts at self-control. When such efforts<br />

are absent — when people do not think about the idea of saving, for example —<br />

Thaler <strong>and</strong> Shefrin found that consumers had an extremely high discount rate —<br />

much higher than the current rate of interest. When subjects in an income maintenance<br />

experiment were asked, “What size bonus would you dem<strong>and</strong> today rather<br />

than collect a bonus of $100 in one year?,” answers indicated subjective discount<br />

rates of between 36% <strong>and</strong> 122%, far higher than the highest interest rate charged at<br />

this time.<br />

6 That is, it will decay exponentially.

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