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Thinking and Deciding

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HEURISTICS AND BIASES IN PROBABILITY 157<br />

more likely than a UNC victory in fencing. Of course, 44% plus 75% is larger than<br />

100%, <strong>and</strong> only one such game would be played. Thus, familiarity with basketball<br />

led subjects to think of the basketball event as more likely than the fencing event, no<br />

matter which basketball event was described.<br />

Hindsight bias<br />

Another cause of distortion that is observed in everyday reasoning can be more easily<br />

avoided. This is illustrated in the phenomenon of hindsight bias. Fischhoff (1975)<br />

asked subjects to read true historical accounts of incidents with which they were unfamiliar,<br />

drawn from history books as well as personal psychological case histories.<br />

One scenario concerned the battle between the British forces <strong>and</strong> the Gurkhas (from<br />

Nepal) on the northern frontier of Bengal in 1814. Subjects were asked to assign<br />

numerical probabilities to the major possible outcomes: British victory; Gurkha victory;<br />

military stalemate with no peace settlement; or military stalemate with a peace<br />

settlement. The history provided was consistent with any one of these outcomes.<br />

Some subjects were told the outcome: The British won. These subjects were<br />

asked to rate the probability of the various outcomes as they would have if they had<br />

not been told the true outcome. The mean probability that these subjects assigned<br />

to the true outcome was .57. Other subjects were not told the outcome. They rated<br />

the probability of a British victory as only .34. Evidently, subjects who were told the<br />

outcome could not avoid what they knew in hindsight.<br />

Similar results have been obtained from many other kinds of studies. Fischhoff<br />

(1977) give subjects two-choice questions concerning general knowledge, like those<br />

used in the studies of confidence described earlier in this chapter. Some subjects<br />

were told the answers <strong>and</strong> were asked what probabilities they would have assigned<br />

to these answers had they not been given them. Once again, these probabilities were<br />

higher than those assigned to the same items by other subjects who had not been<br />

given the answers. It appears that people tend to underestimate how much they have<br />

learned from being told something. They tend to think they knew it all along.<br />

Slovic <strong>and</strong> Fischhoff (1977) presented subjects with descriptions of scientific<br />

experiments. In one experiment some blood from a rat that had just given birth was<br />

injected into another female rat. The question was whether the second rat would<br />

exhibit maternal behavior. Some subjects, the hindsight group, were told that the<br />

first time this experiment was done, the rat did exhibit the behavior. They were<br />

asked to estimate the probability that all of the next 10 rats would replicate this initial<br />

result. Other subjects, the foresight group, were asked how they would answer this<br />

question if the experiment worked on the first rat. The hindsight group gave higher<br />

proportions. For this experiment, the hindsight subjects gave a mean probability of<br />

.44, <strong>and</strong> the foresight subjects gave a mean probability of .30.<br />

In a second study, subjects were asked to give reasons why the study worked out<br />

the way it did <strong>and</strong> how they would explain the result if it came out the other way.<br />

These instructions reduced the effect. The same kind of instructions were effective<br />

in reducing hindsight bias among a group of neuropsychologists who were asked

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