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Thinking and Deciding

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HEURISTICS AND BIASES IN PROBABILITY 155<br />

Availability is also affected by personal experience. When we do something with<br />

another person, we may remember our own point of view more vividly than we remember<br />

the point of view of the other person — a point of view we may not even<br />

experience. Ross <strong>and</strong> Sicoly (1979) asked husb<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> wives to estimate the extent<br />

to which they were responsible for a number of activities, such as cleaning the<br />

house, making breakfast, <strong>and</strong> causing arguments. Ratings of the two spouses for the<br />

same activity tended to differ. Each spouse tended to think that he or she was more<br />

responsible than the other spouse thought. As a result, the total responsibility added<br />

up to more than 100%. For example, if a husb<strong>and</strong> thought that he was 60% responsible<br />

for causing arguments, <strong>and</strong> the wife thought that she was 60% responsible, that<br />

would add up to 120%. This effect held for the negative items (such as causing arguments)<br />

as well as the positive ones. In a second study, the same effect was found<br />

when basketball players were asked to estimate the extent to which the members of<br />

their own team, rather than their opponents, were responsible for “turning points” in<br />

their games.<br />

Availability of examples can be affected by mood, <strong>and</strong> this effect, in turn, can affect<br />

probability or frequency judgments. E. J. Johnson <strong>and</strong> Tversky (1983) gave college<br />

students descriptions of various events, written like newspaper stories, to read.<br />

They then asked the students to estimate the frequencies with which 50,000 people<br />

would experience certain dangers (such as traffic accidents, fire, <strong>and</strong> leukemia)<br />

within a one-year period. When the newspaper story concerned the violent death of<br />

a male undergraduate — for example, in a fire — estimates of all risks increased,<br />

whether or not they were similar or identical to the event in question. The same<br />

kinds of increases occurred when the story was simply a sad one about a young man<br />

who had just broken up with his girlfriend while undergoing other stresses from his<br />

family <strong>and</strong> his job. When the story was a happy one about a young man who experienced<br />

positive events — getting into medical school <strong>and</strong> doing well on a difficult<br />

examination — frequency estimates decreased.<br />

The kinds of availability problems described so far cannot be called “irrational”<br />

when they occur in everyday life. It would, in most cases, take an unreasonable<br />

amount of effort to avoid the effects of memory organization or of the information<br />

we are given by others. In many cases, these effects could be avoided only with<br />

the use of systematic data analysis of the sort done by scientists. Most of the time,<br />

availability is probably as good a guide as we can expect, when systematic data are<br />

not available. In extremely important decisions, however, such as those that affect<br />

many people, it is worthwhile to take every precaution we can imagine to avoid error.<br />

In such decisions, the danger of availability effects is a good reason for us to rely on<br />

systematic data collection <strong>and</strong> analysis — rather than our own hunches — when<br />

numerical data are available.<br />

tree that he could check without the help of a mechanic, he finally called a towing service. As the car<br />

was about to be towed away, he noticed that the car was not his. His car started without trouble, after he<br />

remembered where he had parked it.

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