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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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DETERMINANTS AND RELATED PHENOMENA 219<br />

The results were clear: The effect of the essay on the student’s own opinion<br />

depended on the effect that the essay was supposed to have on the committee, not<br />

on what the essay said. In particular, subjects who wrote against the fee increase<br />

but whose essays would be read early changed their opinion about the fee increase<br />

just as much as subjects who wrote against the increase <strong>and</strong> whose essays would<br />

be read late. This study shows clearly that the effect of writing the essay is not in<br />

the “dissonance” between the content of the essay <strong>and</strong> the student’s original belief.<br />

The results are easily explained by the hypothesis that subjects wanted to avoid selfblame<br />

for moving the committee in the wrong direction. If the direction were not so<br />

wrong, less self-blame would be needed.<br />

In general, then, people do not like to think of themselves as liars or bad decision<br />

makers, <strong>and</strong> they manipulate their own beliefs so as to convince themselves that they<br />

are not, <strong>and</strong> were not in the past. This appears to be a type of wishful thinking,<br />

possibly also involving self-deception.<br />

What is the relation between the effects we have been discussing <strong>and</strong> the general<br />

phenomenon of the irrational persistence of belief? For one thing, the “dissonance”<br />

experiments are a type of irrational persistence in their own right. What seems to<br />

persist is each person’s belief that he is a good decision maker, moral <strong>and</strong> intelligent.<br />

This belief is maintained, however, in a peculiar way. When a person runs<br />

into evidence against the belief, evidence suggesting that a bad decision may have<br />

been made, the person changes his beliefs about his own desires (“I must really have<br />

wanted it, or I wouldn’t have done it for so little money,” or “put in so much effort,”<br />

<strong>and</strong> so forth). These beliefs about desires, in turn, may influence the desires<br />

themselves, as we have just seen.<br />

Just as we want to think of ourselves as good decision makers, we want to think<br />

of ourselves as good belief formers. When a belief is challenged, our first impulse<br />

is often to bolster it (Janis <strong>and</strong> Mann, 1977), in order to maintain our belief in our<br />

earlier intelligence. We want to have been right all along — whereas it would be<br />

more reasonable to want to be right in the present (even if that means admitting<br />

error). This is what makes us into lawyers, hired by our own earlier views to defend<br />

them against all accusations, rather than detectives seeking the truth itself.<br />

Related results<br />

Two other results show essential mechanisms underlying irrational persistence. Selective<br />

exposure is the tendency to search selectively for evidence that will support<br />

current beliefs. Belief overkill is the tendency to deny conflicting arguments, even if<br />

they do not need to be denied.<br />

Selective exposure<br />

People maintain their beliefs by exposing themselves to information that they know<br />

beforeh<strong>and</strong> is likely to support what they already want to believe. Liberals tend to<br />

read liberal newspapers, <strong>and</strong> conservatives tend to read conservative newspapers.

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