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Thinking and Deciding

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METHODS FOR EMPIRICAL RESEARCH 49<br />

time they get to the second. This is the approach used by Baron <strong>and</strong> Hershey (1988)<br />

in most of their experiments. In this kind of design, it is necessary to counterbalance<br />

or r<strong>and</strong>omize the order of the S <strong>and</strong> F forms of each case. In counterbalancing, half<br />

the subjects get the S form first <strong>and</strong> half get the F form first. In r<strong>and</strong>omization, the<br />

order of the two forms of each case is determined at r<strong>and</strong>om for each case, ideally for<br />

each subject. These procedures are necessary to make sure that any results are not<br />

caused by order of presentation. Subject may, for example, rate earlier cases higher<br />

(or lower) than later cases.<br />

Sampling<br />

Researchers from different traditions have very different approaches to the sampling<br />

of subjects. Sociologists <strong>and</strong> public-opinion researchers go to great lengths to draw<br />

r<strong>and</strong>om samples from some population, such as the adult citizens of some particular<br />

nation. Psychologists often use what others call (somewhat derisively) “convenience<br />

samples,” such as students enrolled in an introductory psychology course.<br />

When you want to say something about a particular population, you need to<br />

sample that population in a representative way. You must choose respondents at<br />

r<strong>and</strong>om <strong>and</strong> try to get them all to respond. If they do not respond, you must try to<br />

show that the ones who did not respond would not have answered differently from<br />

the ones who responded. Much research has been done on how this should be done<br />

(Dillman, 1978).<br />

Little of the research described in this book is concerned with any particular population.<br />

It is concerned with people in general. The studies are designed to demonstrate<br />

some effect, such as the outcome bias just described. Then further studies are<br />

done to analyze the effect. All that is required for these studies is some group of<br />

subjects who show the effect in question. Most researchers are not very interested in<br />

the prevalence of the effect. (But see the earlier discussion of individual differences.)<br />

Suppose the population of interest is human beings. If we are reasonably optimistic<br />

about the future, most human beings have not yet been born. It is thus<br />

impossible to sample them r<strong>and</strong>omly. Although this point is sort of a joke, there is<br />

a serious part to it. Efforts to sample some particular nation are misdirected if we<br />

are really interested in a broader population. If we want to make sure that our results<br />

are not due to some idiosyncrasy of our sample, a general way to do this is to examine<br />

very different samples, particular people from different cultures. Often cultural<br />

comparisons can be enlightening in other ways.<br />

The recent growth of the Internet has provided new opportunities for recruiting<br />

subjects. As more <strong>and</strong> more people around the world get access to the World Wide<br />

Web, for example, it has become possible not only to recruit convenience samples<br />

on the Internet but also to recruit specialized samples, such as cancer patients or<br />

citizens of India. Even the convenience samples tend to be more varied than the<br />

college students typically used in research. It is possible to test for effects of age, for<br />

example, which varies very little among students.

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