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Thinking and Deciding

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146 DESCRIPTIVE THEORY OF PROBABILITY JUDGMENT<br />

Conditional 2: Suppose you knew for sure that less than 840 institutions<br />

granted the MBA degree in 1990. What is the probability that more than<br />

53,600 MBAs graduated in 1990?<br />

The answers to these questions allowed a conditional assessment of the answer to<br />

the original question about the probability that more than 53,600 MBAs graduated.<br />

This computed assessment was better calibrated than the direct assessment. In part,<br />

this was because the computed assessments were less extreme, hence less subject to<br />

the overconfidence of extreme probability judgments. The researchers did not ask<br />

subjects to think of their own conditioning events, but this study gives us reason<br />

to think that doing that <strong>and</strong> paying attention to the results would make probability<br />

judgments more accurate.<br />

Heuristics <strong>and</strong> biases in probability<br />

The first good evidence of biases in probability judgments came from studies of<br />

children. Older children answer probability questions according to frequency rather<br />

than relative frequency (Piaget <strong>and</strong> Inhelder, 1975). For example, they prefer to bet<br />

on an urn with 9 winning chips out of 100 rather than an urn with 1 out of 10, <strong>and</strong><br />

they think they are more likely to win that way. Piaget <strong>and</strong> Inhelder thought that<br />

this error largely disappeared by mid-adolescence, but adults sometimes make the<br />

same error (Denes-Raj <strong>and</strong> Epstein, 1994). Thus, adults continue to be influenced<br />

by frequency even when they know that relative frequency is relevant.<br />

The rules of probability define coherence. A good way to ask whether our probability<br />

judgments are coherent is to study the inferences that we make from some<br />

probabilities to others. For example, in the mammogram example in Chapter 5, you<br />

were asked to infer the probability that a woman patient had cancer from a few other<br />

probabilities. In the 1960s, Daniel Kahneman <strong>and</strong> Amos Tversky began to study<br />

such inferences. They were able to demonstrate consistent errors, or biases. Moreover,<br />

they suggested that these biases could be explained in terms of certain heuristics<br />

that the subjects were using to make the inferences.<br />

The representativeness heuristic<br />

The basic idea of the representativeness heuristic is that people judge probability by<br />

similarity. Specifically, when asked how probable it is that an object is a member of<br />

a category, they ask themselves how similar the object is to the typical member of<br />

that category. There is nothing wrong with this, by itself. The problem is that they<br />

stop here. They ignore other relevant attributes such as the size of the category. The<br />

idea of the representativeness heuristic has been used to explain many phenomenon,<br />

<strong>and</strong> we shall return to it on p. 377.

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