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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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MENTAL ACCOUNTING 305<br />

The extra-cost effect<br />

Integration <strong>and</strong> segregation can be manipulated, as in the extra cost effect (Tversky<br />

<strong>and</strong> Kahneman, 1981). “Imagine that you have decided to see a play where admission<br />

is $10 per ticket. As you enter the theater you discover that you have lost a $10 bill.<br />

Would you still pay $10 for a ticket for the play?” Most subjects asked this question<br />

said that they would. “Imagine that you have decided to see a play <strong>and</strong> paid the<br />

admission price of $10 per ticket. As you enter the theater you discover that you<br />

have lost the ticket. The seat was not marked <strong>and</strong> the ticket cannot be recovered.”<br />

In this case, most would not spend $10 on another ticket. Apparently, these subjects<br />

think of the cost of the ticket as $20. Larrick, Morgan, <strong>and</strong> Nisbett (1990) succeeded<br />

in convincing most subjects that this was an error <strong>and</strong> that decisions should be made<br />

on the basis of future consequences only. The choice in both cases is whether to<br />

spend $10 for a ticket, given one’s current wealth, which is already $10 less than it<br />

was thought to be.<br />

The extra-cost effect could result from a heuristic in which people compare value<br />

with total cost. Total cost is typically the same as marginal cost (that is, extra cost,<br />

the extra cost of a new ticket). But the correlation is broken here, so the heuristic<br />

fails.<br />

The sunk-cost effect<br />

Sometimes people act as though the very commitment they have made requires them<br />

to keep going. This is like “throwing good money after bad.” Another name for it<br />

is the sunk-cost effect: Once funds have been “sunk” into a plan, the only way not<br />

to waste them, it seems, is to sink still more. We see this sort of rationale operating<br />

in public policy making as well as in our personal lives. It figured, many now think,<br />

in such possible misadventures as the Vietnam War <strong>and</strong> the Tennessee-Tombigbee<br />

Waterway project. A senator expressed sunk-cost thinking when he said, about the<br />

latter project, “To terminate a project in which $1.1 billion has been invested represents<br />

an unconscionable mish<strong>and</strong>ling of taxpayers’ dollars” (Senator Jeremiah Denton,<br />

November, 1981, quoted by Arkes <strong>and</strong> Blumer, 1985).<br />

Such a position is irrational; it subverts one’s own (or society’s) goals. Once you<br />

have determined that the best course of action for the future is to change plans —<br />

having weighed the effect on others <strong>and</strong> all of the relevant factors — the time, effort,<br />

<strong>and</strong> money you have spent in the past does not matter one bit. Sticking to a futile<br />

plan will not make your earlier decision the right one, if it was really wrong. When<br />

we concern ourselves with sunk costs, we are basing a decision on the past, not on<br />

its consequences.<br />

This effect was demonstrated experimentally by Arkes <strong>and</strong> Blumer (1985). If you<br />

had been a subject in one experiment of theirs (p. 126), you would have been told to<br />

imagine that you had paid $100 for a ski trip to Michigan <strong>and</strong> $50 for another ski trip<br />

to Wisconsin. Money considerations aside, you would prefer the trip to Wisconsin.<br />

If you then discover that the trips are on the same weekend <strong>and</strong> that you cannot sell

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