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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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480 DECISIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE<br />

This is because the theory assumes that a third option is available, which is to<br />

invest the money, take out your investment in fifteen years (when it would double if<br />

the real interest rate were about 5%), <strong>and</strong> spend it on saving species then. If the cost<br />

of saving species has not gone up — <strong>and</strong> there is no more reason to think it will go<br />

one way than the other — then you can do more good with this investment option.<br />

The decision to invest will repeat itself. When fifteen years are up, you would be<br />

faced with the same choice. If you do not discount future benefits (by at least 50%<br />

in fifteen years, in this example), you would put off spending the money forever.<br />

The only way to avoid perpetual procrastination is to discount the future benefits,<br />

enough so that you actually decide to plunk down some money now. Notice that I<br />

have not assumed that you care less about future species. The discounting of benefits<br />

is necessary because you are trading this off with money; you are asking about the<br />

value of saving species in monetary terms. Future species are worth less money,<br />

although they may not have less utility for us.<br />

This argument depends on interest being paid on investments. Why is interest<br />

paid? First, to make up for uncertainty about getting your money back. That is not<br />

at issue in these arguments. Second, inflation. But the theory so far works just as<br />

well with no inflation. It could be stated in “constant dollars,” adjusted for inflation.<br />

Third, investments are often worthwhile: By digging a well, you can get more water,<br />

more cheaply, than by relying on rain, so investment in the well is worthwhile in<br />

the long run. The dem<strong>and</strong> for money for such investments allows investors to get<br />

interest.<br />

Two other reasons are more interesting. One is that, psychologically, people are<br />

impatient. They favor the present even beyond their concerns about uncertainty or<br />

inflation. So, if you want people to lend you money, you have to pay them extra in<br />

order to compensate them for delaying the gratification of their desires for immediate<br />

reward. Economists call this “pure time preference.”<br />

The second reason has to do with declining marginal utility (Chapter 10). The<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ard of living has been steadily increasing throughout human history. If we<br />

assume that this will continue, then people in the future will get less utility from<br />

money than people in the present. This is completely analogous to the reasons why<br />

the rich should help the poor. But we are the relatively poor! And we are making the<br />

decisions to soak the rich who will follow us. Strange but, according to the theory,<br />

true.<br />

The relative importance of these various justifications for interest is a matter of<br />

debate among economists.<br />

Normative theory of discounting<br />

There are good economic reasons to think that this form of the decay curve — of<br />

utility as a function of delay — is normative, as long as there is no known reason<br />

why the utility of the reward will change. 4 One is the idea of interest rate, already<br />

4For example, the utility of a car increases when the owner can obtain a driver’s license. Here, we put<br />

such predictable changes aside.

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