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Thinking and Deciding

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DISCOUNTING 483<br />

The high subjective discount rate (<strong>and</strong> resulting neglect of the future) is illustrated<br />

in the effect of m<strong>and</strong>atory pension plans (provided by employers) on voluntary<br />

saving. If people really looked out for their future, in this case, then those without<br />

m<strong>and</strong>atory pension plans would start their own voluntarily. Other things being equal,<br />

people without m<strong>and</strong>atory pension plans should save more (on their own) than those<br />

that have them, yet (before the introduction of government incentives in the form of<br />

tax breaks), this was not the case.<br />

Another study reviewed by Thaler <strong>and</strong> Shefrin examined purchases of home air<br />

conditioners. Air conditioners differ, of course, in initial cost <strong>and</strong> operating expense<br />

(including the cost of electricity). The researchers found that people paid most attention<br />

to the initial cost. If one calculates the subjective discount rate from such<br />

purchase decisions, it is over 25%, well over any interest rate available at the time.<br />

(If one wanted to maximize income, one ought to buy the more expensive but more<br />

economical model — if necessary, borrowing money to buy it.) 7<br />

As people get older, it appears that their discount rate gets lower. They give<br />

greater weight to the future, even though there is less of it (Green, Fry, <strong>and</strong> Myerson,<br />

1994).<br />

Dynamic inconsistency<br />

It is difficult to draw conclusions about the personal discount rate because this rate<br />

is not constant (Chapman, 1998; Kirby, 1997; Loewenstein <strong>and</strong> Prelec, 1993). Discount<br />

rates are higher for shorter delays. This leads to dynamic inconsistency.<br />

Figure 19.2 shows a different function relating the utility of a reward to time.<br />

Again, it contrasts a smaller, sooner reward <strong>and</strong> a larger, later reward. The first reward<br />

is available at T1, <strong>and</strong> the second at T2. In this case, the discount rate increases<br />

sharply as the time of the reward approaches, so sharply that it cannot be shown on<br />

the graph. As a result, the choice between the two rewards will depend on when the<br />

choice is made. If it is made far away from both, at the left side of the graph, then it<br />

will favor the larger later reward. If it is made soon before the smaller shorter reward<br />

is available, it will favor that one. This is like the c<strong>and</strong>y example described earlier.<br />

A person with these discount functions would be dynamically inconsistent.<br />

This inconsistency is a clear example of the difference between decision utility<br />

<strong>and</strong> experienced utility, discussed in Chapter 13. We can describe the decision as<br />

determined by some sort of hypothetical quantity — decision utility — that is somewhat<br />

unrelated to the true utility of interest, the extent to which goals are achieved.<br />

In Figure 19.2, decision utility is proportional to the reciprocal of the time between<br />

the decision <strong>and</strong> the reward. The function is a hyperbola. This function cannot be<br />

exactly right, because it would imply that the reward has infinite utility when it is<br />

finally available. But this function comes amazingly close to describing the behavior<br />

7 The conclusions of Thaler <strong>and</strong> Shefrin have been questioned by Modigliani (1986), who has found<br />

that many economic data can be accounted for by assuming that people treat all periods of their lives<br />

equally. Few of these data, however, directly concern the temporal myopia that Thaler <strong>and</strong> Shefrin have<br />

suggested.

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