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Thinking and Deciding

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THE MEASUREMENT OF UTILITY 337<br />

benefit. The findings suggest that contingent valuation methods may be improved by<br />

eliminating information from which costs could be inferred, so that respondents can<br />

focus more easily on benefits alone.<br />

WTA (willingness to accept) is larger than WTP<br />

A general result in CV is that willingness to accept (WTA) is larger than WTP<br />

(Mitchell <strong>and</strong> Carson, 1989). For example, the minimum WTA for a change in the<br />

pollution level from ten to twenty units is about twice the WTP for a reduction from<br />

twenty to ten. This is an example of the status-quo bias (Chapter 12).<br />

Several studies have succeeded in manipulating the effect. Irwin (1994) found<br />

that this kind of effect was greater for environmental goods than for market items,<br />

<strong>and</strong> she presented evidence that the difference was the result of respondents’ moral<br />

concerns about making the environment worse. Marshall, Knetsch, <strong>and</strong> Sinden<br />

(1986) found that WTA versus WTP effects do not occur for advisers (as opposed to<br />

decision makers). A possible explanation of this result is that the norm prohibiting<br />

accepting money in return for losses (even personal losses) might be “agent relative,”<br />

that is, dependent on the role of the decision maker rather than the outcome alone<br />

(Chapter 16).<br />

In sum, CV responses are affected by several factors that should not affect the<br />

utility of the good being evaluated — cost <strong>and</strong> WTA versus WTP — <strong>and</strong> they are not<br />

affected enough by factors that should affect the utility of the good, particularly its<br />

quantity.<br />

Disagreement among measures<br />

Methods of utility measurement disagree with each other. In health judgments, for<br />

example, the st<strong>and</strong>ard-gamble <strong>and</strong> time-tradeoff methods tend to yield higher utilities<br />

than other methods (closer to normal, farther from death) for intermediate health<br />

states (see Baron, 1997a). The st<strong>and</strong>ard gamble is usually highest of all. When asked<br />

how much risk of death they will take for the sake of avoiding various conditions,<br />

people tend to give small probabilities, which imply high utilities for the conditions.<br />

What should we conclude from these disagreements? Scholars have proposed<br />

many answers to this question. One general answer seems initially promising but<br />

runs into problems when we examine it. This is the idea that different methods<br />

measure different kinds of utility. Scholars often say that st<strong>and</strong>ard gambles (SGs)<br />

measure “von Neuman-Morgenstern utility,” which differs from utility measured in<br />

other ways. This provides a simple explanation of the fact that utilities measured by<br />

SGs differ from those measured in others. (They are higher for good outcomes that<br />

occur with probability 1, relative to uncertain outcomes, for example.)<br />

Similarly, we might imagine PTO utilities that differ from utilities estimated in<br />

other ways. In all these cases, the idea is to use different utilities depending on<br />

the kind of decision at issue. If the decision involved risk, we use utilities elicited

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