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Thinking and Deciding

Thinking and Deciding

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FACTORS THAT MODERATE BELIEF PERSISTENCE 225<br />

view. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, the individual members may be too willing to assume that<br />

this has been done when it has not been done. A group consensus sometimes seems<br />

much more obviously “right” than the same conclusion reached by an individual,<br />

even though the members of the group are all alike in sharing the characteristics that<br />

lead to the consensus. Would it be any surprise if a group of automobile workers in<br />

the United States “agreed” that importing of Japanese cars should be stopped, or if a<br />

group of Toyota dealers agreed that importing should not be stopped?<br />

Janis (1982) studied the rationality of group decision making <strong>and</strong> the biases that<br />

distort group decisions by reviewing the history of major foreign-policy decisions<br />

made by the president of the United States <strong>and</strong> his advisers. Some of these decisions<br />

displayed poor thinking, <strong>and</strong> others displayed good thinking. As it turned out, the<br />

former led to poor outcomes <strong>and</strong> the latter led to good outcomes. It is to be expected<br />

that better thinking will lead to better outcomes on the average, but Janis is aware<br />

that the correlation is not perfect. He tried to select his cases according to the kind<br />

of thinking that went into them rather than according to the outcome. The examples<br />

include what he regarded as the poorly made decision of President Kennedy <strong>and</strong> his<br />

advisers to attempt the Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba in 1961; the well-made decisions<br />

of practically the same group during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962; the<br />

poorly made decisions of President Johnson <strong>and</strong> his advisers to escalate the Vietnam<br />

War over several years; <strong>and</strong> the poorly made decisions of President Nixon <strong>and</strong> his<br />

advisers to withhold information concerning White House involvement in the Watergate<br />

break-in from 1972 to 1974.<br />

Janis’s selection of cases was supported by Tetlock’s study (1979) analyzing the<br />

“integrative complexity” of public statements by prominent decision-making groups.<br />

Tetlock found that the poorly made decisions were associated with statements at<br />

or near the lowest level, but the well-made decisions were associated with welldifferentiated<br />

statements. (Other recent studies of groupthink include those of Mc-<br />

Cauley, 1989, <strong>and</strong> Tetlock, Peterson, McGuire, Chang, <strong>and</strong> Feld, 1992. These studies<br />

deal with the nature of conformity in groupthink <strong>and</strong> with its causes, respectively.)<br />

Janis characterized poor group thinking as “groupthink” (borrowing the term<br />

from George Orwell). He identified three major causes of groupthink, presented<br />

here in outline form:<br />

Type I. Overestimation of the group<br />

1. Illusion of invulnerability<br />

2. Belief in the inherent morality of the group<br />

Type II. Closed-mindedness<br />

3. Collective rationalization<br />

4. Stereotypes of out-groups<br />

Type III. Pressures toward uniformity<br />

5. Self-censorship<br />

6. Illusion of unanimity<br />

7. Direct pressure on dissenters<br />

8. Self-appointed mind-guards

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