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Thinking and Deciding

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150 DESCRIPTIVE THEORY OF PROBABILITY JUDGMENT<br />

Thus, p(H|D) is 12/(12 + 17), or .41. Most subjects, however, say that the probability<br />

is over .50, <strong>and</strong> many say that it is .80. They think that the cab is more likely to<br />

be Blue than Green, but the correct inference from the information presented is the<br />

reverse.<br />

Why do we make such errors? Perhaps subjects misunderst<strong>and</strong> the idea of conditional<br />

probability. They are told that the probability of the witness’s reporting Blue,<br />

given a Blue cab, is .80, but when asked later what they were told, they often say they<br />

were told that the probability of a Blue cab, given that the witness reports Blue, is .80<br />

(D. Davis, personal communication). This mistake is similar to the conversion error<br />

in logic (Chapter 4), in which subjects seem to confuse the statement “All A are B”<br />

with the statement “All B are A.” This mistake will account for those subjects who<br />

say that the probability of the cab’s being Blue was .80, but many subjects, without<br />

going as high as .80, still give probabilities over .50.<br />

Kahneman <strong>and</strong> Tversky (1972) proposed another mechanism for this effect, the<br />

representativeness heuristic. “A person who follows this heuristic evaluates the probability<br />

of an uncertain event, or a sample, by the degree to which it is: (i) similar in<br />

essential properties to its parent population; <strong>and</strong> (ii) reflects the salient feature of the<br />

process by which it was generated” (p. 431). The representativeness heuristic may<br />

be based on “the degree of correspondence between a sample <strong>and</strong> a population, an<br />

instance <strong>and</strong> a category, an act <strong>and</strong> an actor, or, more generally, between an outcome<br />

<strong>and</strong> a model” (Tversky <strong>and</strong> Kahneman, 1983, p. 295). In the taxicab problem,<br />

the category is blue cabs, <strong>and</strong> the event is the testimony that the cab was blue. Because<br />

this event has a .8 probability, given the category, its occurrence “represents<br />

the salient feature of the process by which it was generated.” The subjects think that<br />

the courtroom testimony is generated in a way that is like the way in which the test<br />

results with the witness were generated. The proportion of Blue cabs in the city does<br />

not appear to these subjects to be very important, although it is.<br />

To help subjects notice this proportion, Tversky <strong>and</strong> Kahneman (1982) gave it<br />

a causal role in the accident. They replaced item a in the taxicab problem with<br />

this item: “(a’) Although the two companies are roughly equal in size, 85% of all<br />

cab accidents in the city involve Green cabs <strong>and</strong> 15% involve Blue cabs.” Subjects<br />

given this version were more likely to pay attention to the prior probability. This was<br />

indicated by their giving lower probability estimates.<br />

The conjunction fallacy<br />

Another apparent effect of the representativeness heuristic, aside from the neglect<br />

of information about prior probabilities, is the conjunction fallacy. Tversky <strong>and</strong><br />

Kahneman (1983, p. 297) gave subjects the following description:<br />

Linda is 31 years old, single, outspoken <strong>and</strong> very bright. She majored<br />

in philosophy. As a student, she was deeply concerned with issues of<br />

discrimination <strong>and</strong> social justice, <strong>and</strong> also participated in anti-nuclear<br />

demonstrations.

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