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Thinking and Deciding

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THE PSYCHOLOGY OF HYPOTHESIS TESTING 171<br />

were greatest. In formulating this view of concept learning, the researchers were<br />

implicitly making a distinction between normative (ideal — no memory limits) <strong>and</strong><br />

prescriptive views of how the task ought to be done, <strong>and</strong> they suggested (again, implicitly)<br />

that people generally follow the prescriptive model.<br />

The view of concept learning that lay behind this work has since been largely<br />

discredited. Putnam (1975) has pointed out that the concept of “water” has little<br />

to do with the features that we usually associate with water, such as being liquid,<br />

transparent, freezing at 32 degrees Fahrenheit, <strong>and</strong> boiling at 212 degrees Fahrenheit,<br />

having a density of 1.00, <strong>and</strong> so on. As noted earlier, if a substance were found that<br />

had all of these properties but had the chemical formula XYZ rather than H2O, we<br />

would say that it was not water, because we take the chemical formula as definitive,<br />

not the observable properties. Similarly, if a fruit looked <strong>and</strong> tasted like an orange but<br />

came from a tree that was grown from an apple seed, we would say that the fruit was<br />

an (unusual) apple, not really an orange. Concepts about natural kinds (categories<br />

that exist in nature) are shaped by scientific theories.<br />

Similarly, Wittgenstein (1958) has pointed out that many other concepts that we<br />

have seem to lack defining (deterministic) features altogether. Take, for example, the<br />

concept of a game. There is essentially nothing that is true of all games — no defining<br />

features. (For every feature you can think of, such as being done for fun, there are<br />

games that do not have it, such as jousting.) Games are not united by any features,<br />

but rather by what Wittgenstein called a family resemblance. Each game shares some<br />

features with some other games. Of course, within games, many concepts do have<br />

simple definitions. For example, a strike, in baseball, has a disjunction of features.<br />

Either the batter swings <strong>and</strong> misses, the batter fouls (except after two strikes), or the<br />

ball goes through the strike zone.<br />

In sum, the idea that concepts have defining features applies only to man-made<br />

categories such as “forward pass,” “resident alien,” <strong>and</strong> perhaps “past participle.”<br />

The work of Bruner <strong>and</strong> his colleagues on strategies for discovering such concepts,<br />

therefore, seems to tell us little about the learning of concepts in general. It still may<br />

say something, however, about the testing of hypotheses in other situations, such as<br />

science <strong>and</strong> diagnosis.<br />

Congruence bias<br />

Although Bruner, Goodnow, <strong>and</strong> Austin did not set out to look for flaws in human<br />

reasoning, they did make one observation that inspired others to look for such flaws<br />

(p. 86):<br />

Human subjects — <strong>and</strong> the same may be true of other species as well —<br />

prefer a direct test of any hypothesis they may be working on. [Suppose<br />

that] a subject is faced with deciding whether a white door or a black<br />

door is the correct entrance to a reward chamber <strong>and</strong> adopts the hypothesis<br />

that the white door is correct. There are two ways of testing this

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