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Thinking and Deciding

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PROMINENCE AND NONCOMPENSATORY STRATEGIES 291<br />

prominence effect. Tversky, Sattath, <strong>and</strong> Slovic (1988) compared subjects’ choices<br />

in the following problem to other subjects’ responses in a numerical matching task<br />

based on the same problem (p. 373):<br />

About 600 people are killed each year in Israel in traffic accidents. The<br />

ministry of transportation investigates various programs to reduce the<br />

number of casualties. Consider the following two programs, described<br />

in terms of yearly costs (in millions of dollars) <strong>and</strong> the number of casualties<br />

per year that is expected following the implementation of each<br />

program:<br />

Expected number of casualties Cost (millions)<br />

Program X 500 $55<br />

Program Y 570 $12<br />

When subjects were asked to choose which program they favored, 67% favored Program<br />

X, which saves more lives but at a higher cost per life saved than Program Y.<br />

Subjects in the matching task were given the same situation but with one of the numbers<br />

missing. They were asked to fill in the missing number so that the two programs<br />

would be equally desirable, that is, to match the two programs. From the response to<br />

this question, we can infer what they would have chosen in the choice task (assuming<br />

they would have been consistent). For example, suppose that the cost of Program X<br />

was missing, <strong>and</strong> a subject wrote down $40 million. We can infer that this subject<br />

would have preferred Program Y: If X <strong>and</strong> Y are equal when the cost of X is $40<br />

million, then X must be worse than Y when the cost of X is raised. When the relative<br />

desirability of the two programs was inferred in this way from responses on the<br />

matching task, only 4% of the subjects favored Program X; 96% favored Program Y,<br />

the more economical program that saved fewer lives.<br />

Clearly, subjects regard casualties as more important, or more prominent, than<br />

cost. When they choose between the two programs, many subjects base their choice<br />

largely (or entirely) on the single most important attribute: number of casualties. In<br />

the matching task, they are forced to attend to both attributes <strong>and</strong> to make an explicit<br />

tradeoff between them. The conflict between the two tasks is the prominence effect.<br />

The most plausible explanation of this effect is that in making a choice subjects<br />

often attend only to the most important goal, but in matching they express something<br />

closer to their true tradeoff between the two goals. 1 If this interpretation is correct, it<br />

argues for the use of something like matching, rather than choice, in the measurement<br />

of values. It also suggests that many choices in the real world are inconsistent with<br />

people’s underlying goals.<br />

Compensatory decision strategies are those in which one dimension can compensate<br />

for another. Use of a single dominant dimension is thus a noncompensatory<br />

strategy. Individuals seem to differ in the tendency to use these strategies <strong>and</strong> in<br />

1 An alternative interpretation is that choice is closer to the true tradeoff <strong>and</strong> matching leads to excessive<br />

attention to less important goals. We have no reason to think that this is true. We have other evidence,<br />

however, for neglect of less important attributes in choice.

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