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Reduction and Elimination in Philosophy and the Sciences

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348<br />

Structure of <strong>the</strong> Paradoxes, Structure of <strong>the</strong> Theories: A Logical Comparison of Set Theory <strong>and</strong> Semantics — Giulia Terzian<br />

(b) A logical analysis of <strong>the</strong> two conceptions favours<br />

IT, <strong>in</strong>sofar as it <strong>in</strong>volves only <strong>in</strong>tuitive notions, while<br />

LIM presupposes an underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g of more sophisticated<br />

concepts of set <strong>the</strong>ory (cf. Boolos 1989).<br />

(c) Boolos 1989 shows that IT on its own does not<br />

entail <strong>the</strong> axioms of replacement <strong>and</strong> extensionality;<br />

<strong>the</strong>se follow from LIM, but o<strong>the</strong>r axioms of ZF do<br />

not. The upshot is that it is possible to bridge <strong>the</strong><br />

gap between <strong>the</strong> historical <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> logical reconstructions<br />

of ZF set <strong>the</strong>ory by underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g LIM<br />

<strong>and</strong> IT as jo<strong>in</strong>tly necessary, <strong>in</strong>dividually not sufficient<br />

premises to a full explication of <strong>the</strong> notion of set: <strong>in</strong><br />

Boolos' words, “<strong>the</strong>re are at least two thoughts ‘beh<strong>in</strong>d’<br />

set <strong>the</strong>ory” (1989, p.103).<br />

4 Too simple?<br />

In order to assess <strong>the</strong> soundness of <strong>the</strong> analogy account,<br />

<strong>the</strong> key question to be answered is <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g: Are <strong>the</strong>re<br />

any semantic pr<strong>in</strong>ciples that could be identified as counterparts<br />

to IT <strong>and</strong> LIM?<br />

The first part of this section addresses this question;<br />

<strong>the</strong> second part raises two more issues of methodology.<br />

A semantic limitation of size pr<strong>in</strong>ciple LIMT should<br />

e.g. guarantee <strong>the</strong> assertability of some sentences of <strong>the</strong><br />

form ∀x (P(x) → T(x)) for some predicate P. To this end,<br />

LIMT should presumably place a card<strong>in</strong>ality constra<strong>in</strong>t on<br />

<strong>the</strong> extension of P, so as to ensure that problematic (Liar)<br />

sentences do not end up <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> extension of T.<br />

Suppose <strong>the</strong> extension of P is ℒT, i.e., <strong>the</strong> set of all<br />

sentences <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g those which conta<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> truth<br />

predicate. Then among <strong>the</strong>se will be many (Liar-like)<br />

sentences we would not want <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> extension of T: so it<br />

might seem reasonable to <strong>in</strong>voke a pr<strong>in</strong>ciple LIMT requir<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>the</strong> card<strong>in</strong>ality of <strong>the</strong> extension of T to be smaller than that<br />

of ℒT.<br />

Now suppose <strong>the</strong> extension of P is ℒarith (<strong>the</strong><br />

language of arithmetic): apply<strong>in</strong>g T to purely arithmetical<br />

sentences does not lead to any <strong>in</strong>consistency, so this<br />

choice should be allowed by LIMT. However ℒT <strong>and</strong> ℒarith<br />

are both countably <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite: hence LIMT gives contradictory<br />

verdicts for languages with <strong>the</strong> same card<strong>in</strong>ality.<br />

F<strong>in</strong>ally suppose <strong>the</strong> extension of P is simply λ . In<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ciple LIMT should obviously apply <strong>in</strong> this case: <strong>in</strong>sofar<br />

as λ should def<strong>in</strong>itely not be <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> extension of T, <strong>the</strong><br />

m<strong>in</strong>imal language which it forms is already ‘too big’. This is<br />

an undesirable result which makes it starkly clear that <strong>the</strong><br />

quantitative constra<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> LIMT is <strong>in</strong>adequate for <strong>the</strong><br />

semantic context, where <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>the</strong> key question is about<br />

which sentences are put <strong>in</strong>side <strong>the</strong> extension of T.<br />

It is fairly natural to underst<strong>and</strong> IT as embody<strong>in</strong>g “a<br />

fundamental relation of [...] dependence between<br />

collections." (Potter 2004, p.36) In semantics, too, one can<br />

talk about a fundamental relation of dependence between<br />

some sentence φ <strong>and</strong> a set of sentences of <strong>the</strong> language.<br />

Semantic dependence subtends <strong>the</strong> notion of semantic<br />

groundedness 1 : a sentence conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g T is grounded if its<br />

truth value ultimately depends on non-semantic states of<br />

affairs, so that work<strong>in</strong>g back along <strong>the</strong> dependence<br />

relation leads to a sentence which does not conta<strong>in</strong> T. Liar<br />

1 First formally discussed <strong>in</strong> Kripke 1975; a more thorough analysis is found <strong>in</strong><br />

Yablo 1982 <strong>and</strong> Leitgeb 2005.<br />

sentences are ungrounded, because <strong>the</strong>ir dependence<br />

path is not l<strong>in</strong>ear but circular; <strong>in</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard truth-gap<br />

accounts, this is equivalent to say<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong>y lack a truth<br />

value <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> least fixed po<strong>in</strong>t of <strong>the</strong> (Kripkean) jump<br />

operator 2 .<br />

Dependence seems to provide a more promis<strong>in</strong>g<br />

case for <strong>the</strong> analogy account. To follow up this conjecture,<br />

we look at <strong>the</strong> features of a typical construction <strong>in</strong> both<br />

contexts. Take Ø as <strong>the</strong> start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t. At each level of <strong>the</strong><br />

cumulative hierarchy, all <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>and</strong> sets appear<strong>in</strong>g at<br />

all previous levels are collected <strong>in</strong>to a new set: <strong>the</strong> iterated<br />

power-set operation produces a strictly <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g<br />

progression of sets, from which no element of <strong>the</strong> universe<br />

is left out.<br />

On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> iterated jump operation<br />

produces a ‘semi’-hierarchy of extensions (anti-extensions)<br />

of <strong>the</strong> truth predicate, but <strong>in</strong> this case not all sentences of<br />

<strong>the</strong> language are guaranteed a place. Specifically, only <strong>the</strong><br />

grounded sentences will make a regular appearance at<br />

each level (<strong>and</strong> will also be consistently part of <strong>the</strong> same<br />

semi-hierarchy); so <strong>the</strong> iterated collect<strong>in</strong>g operation is here<br />

constra<strong>in</strong>ed to filter out <strong>the</strong> ungrounded sentences.<br />

Thus on closer <strong>in</strong>spection dependence actually<br />

appears to be a fairly weak l<strong>in</strong>k between set <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>and</strong><br />

semantics, <strong>and</strong> moreover reveals fur<strong>the</strong>r differences<br />

between <strong>the</strong>m. Set-<strong>the</strong>oretic dependence is central to <strong>the</strong><br />

construction of <strong>the</strong> hierarchy, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sense that a set exists<br />

<strong>in</strong> virtue of be<strong>in</strong>g made up of lower-level elements: it is so<br />

to speak a by-product of IT. But <strong>in</strong> semantics <strong>the</strong>re is no<br />

question about <strong>the</strong> ‘existence’ of a sentence: what matters<br />

<strong>in</strong>stead is whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> correct ones are put <strong>in</strong>side <strong>the</strong><br />

extension of T. The key relation here is groundedness,<br />

which determ<strong>in</strong>es whe<strong>the</strong>r a sentence can be evaluated<br />

for truth; moreover, this can only be established once we<br />

reach <strong>the</strong> least fixed po<strong>in</strong>t – while <strong>the</strong> existence of a set is<br />

‘determ<strong>in</strong>ed’ at every level at which it appears.<br />

F<strong>in</strong>ally, groundedness not only presupposes<br />

dependence, but on some accounts (e.g. Yablo 1982) also<br />

an underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g of partial predicates, non-classical<br />

logics, etc.: so <strong>the</strong>re is <strong>the</strong> additional worry that <strong>the</strong><br />

relevant set-<strong>the</strong>oretic <strong>and</strong> semantic relation are<br />

mismatch<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r respect, namely that <strong>the</strong> former but<br />

not <strong>the</strong> latter underlies a natural conception (cf. Section 3).<br />

In giv<strong>in</strong>g a formal <strong>the</strong>ory of truth, <strong>the</strong> central aim is<br />

to explicate this fundamental semantic notion so as to<br />

account for its non-problematic use <strong>in</strong> everyday speech.<br />

For any such <strong>the</strong>ory, a ‘sample basis’ of sentences<br />

conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> truth predicate should thus naturally be<br />

expected to be as broad as possible. Paradoxical<br />

sentences, which constitute an extremely restricted<br />

sample, could <strong>the</strong>n be used to test <strong>the</strong> formalism, as a<br />

measure of its efficacy.<br />

One could also choose a different approach: start<br />

from some pre-exist<strong>in</strong>g formalism <strong>and</strong> subject it to<br />

successive revisions, constra<strong>in</strong>ed primarily by <strong>the</strong> rule:<br />

“avoid contradictions”.<br />

These diametrically opposite strategies might be<br />

called respectively ‘constructive’ <strong>and</strong> ‘regressive’; <strong>the</strong><br />

choice of <strong>the</strong>se terms is <strong>in</strong>tended to parallel <strong>the</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ction<br />

made by Potter 2004 between “<strong>in</strong>tuitive” <strong>and</strong> “regressive”<br />

methodologies <strong>in</strong> set <strong>the</strong>ory. As <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case of set <strong>the</strong>ory<br />

2 Let (A+;A-) be a partial <strong>in</strong>terpretation of T; <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> jump is a monotone<br />

<strong>in</strong>ductive operator def<strong>in</strong>ed by j (A+;A-) = (j + (A+;A-); j - (A+;A-)), where j<br />

+(A+;A-) = {φ: (A+;A-) ⊨ φ} <strong>and</strong> j - (A+;A-) = {φ: (A+;A-) ⊨ ¬φ}.

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