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Download the file - United Nations Rule of Law

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98Urban crime and violenceAvailable evidenceshows that crimeprevention throughenvironmentaldesign-basedapproaches to <strong>the</strong>processes <strong>of</strong> shapingnew developmenthave an importantcontribution tomake to crimepreventionCommunity-basedapproaches clearlyhave an importantrole to play in <strong>the</strong>litany <strong>of</strong> responsesto crime andviolencehave an important contribution to make to crime prevention.52 This approach, which focuses on <strong>the</strong> setting <strong>of</strong> crime,links crime prevention and reduction to changes in physicaldesign. To date, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> applying thisapproach has been in <strong>the</strong> developed world. But subject totwo important conditions, <strong>the</strong>re is no reason whyapproaches <strong>of</strong> this nature cannot be successful in developingcountries. The first <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se conditions is <strong>the</strong> need forsupport for <strong>the</strong>se approaches to be generated among <strong>the</strong>development communities <strong>of</strong> such localities so that attemptsto apply <strong>the</strong>m do not become a running battle betweendevelopers, planners and <strong>the</strong> police. The second condition isthat appropriately trained staff must be available in order toput <strong>the</strong>se approaches into practice. These issues are fur<strong>the</strong>rtaken up in Chapter 10.A final example <strong>of</strong> a type <strong>of</strong> initiative that is commonin many parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world is <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> closed circuit televisioncameras (CCTVs). The UK is an example <strong>of</strong> a countrywhich has deployed CCTV cameras widely during recentyears, not just in public places such as shopping centres andcar parks, but also in some residential areas. 53 This latterelement has been very controversial in <strong>the</strong> US because <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> implications for civil liberties <strong>of</strong> installing cameras inresidential areas. There are o<strong>the</strong>r areas <strong>of</strong> controversy, suchas who owns and operates CCTV cameras and what usesthose responsible are allowed to make <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pictures taken.But <strong>the</strong> biggest controversy probably centres on <strong>the</strong> question<strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong>y work as crime prevention tools. Do<strong>the</strong>y actually deter people from committing crimes, or do<strong>the</strong>y just make <strong>the</strong> subsequent process <strong>of</strong> tracking downperpetrators easier? Do <strong>the</strong>y ease people’s fears <strong>of</strong> crime inpublic places, or after a while do people get used to <strong>the</strong>presence <strong>of</strong> cameras and take little or no account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m?Do <strong>the</strong>y encourage adaptive behaviour by criminals, whichmight include <strong>the</strong> displacement <strong>of</strong> crime into o<strong>the</strong>r areaswhere cameras are not ubiquitous? These are questions thatare still hotly debated; but what is clear is that CCTVcameras have now become a commonplace part <strong>of</strong> initiativesagainst crime and violence in many parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world. 54Planning and design interventions are generallygeared towards reducing vulnerability <strong>of</strong> targets (people andproperty) by increasing protection and discouraging delinquents.They also reduce general risk factors by reducingopportunities for violence. Finally, <strong>the</strong>y favour <strong>the</strong> development<strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r resilience factors, linked to socialization,community involvement and policing. They are <strong>the</strong>reforelargely overlapping and contributing to o<strong>the</strong>r types <strong>of</strong> interventions.Community-based approaches to urbansafety and securityCommunity-based approaches clearly have an important roleto play in <strong>the</strong> litany <strong>of</strong> responses to crime and violence. It is,however, important to understand that this can mean a widerange <strong>of</strong> possible ways in different local circumstances. Atone end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spectrum, some approaches are about helping<strong>the</strong> development and implementation <strong>of</strong> initiatives where<strong>the</strong> main impetus is from <strong>the</strong> community itself, and wherecommunity members will have an ongoing responsibility for<strong>the</strong> initiative. In such instances, <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sectoris likely to be primarily an enabling one. At <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r end <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> spectrum, community involvement in place-based initiativesmounted by <strong>the</strong> local authority seems to be essential if<strong>the</strong>y are to have <strong>the</strong> maximum chance <strong>of</strong> success: such initiativesshould be ‘done with’ communities ra<strong>the</strong>r than ‘doneto’ <strong>the</strong>m. Communities may not be <strong>the</strong> initiators; but <strong>the</strong>ystill have a central role to play in shaping initiatives basedboth upon <strong>the</strong>ir local knowledge and upon <strong>the</strong> fact that, in<strong>the</strong>ir daily lives as residents, what <strong>the</strong>y do or do not do canmake a difference to what happens on <strong>the</strong> ground. It is alsopossible that <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> communities and <strong>the</strong>ir representativesmay grow throughout <strong>the</strong> life <strong>of</strong> a project, so that <strong>the</strong>ymay take over as local wardens or stewards once communityacceptance has been secured. So a wide range <strong>of</strong> projecttypes might fit under this heading; but central to all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mis <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> community engagement as being vital to<strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> such projects.It is also important to understand that communityresponses to crime and violence are not just about communitiesbanding toge<strong>the</strong>r to tackle problems, whe<strong>the</strong>r or not thisinvolves working in partnership with <strong>the</strong> state. People,where <strong>the</strong>y have or can put toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> financial resources,also respond to problems <strong>of</strong> crime and violence throughincreasing urban segregation, with <strong>the</strong> affluent <strong>of</strong>ten choosingto live in gated communities or closed condominiumswhich <strong>the</strong>y regard safer than <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city. This hasbeen extensively studied in Latin American cities, where <strong>the</strong>leading work has traced how rising crime and insecurity inSão Paulo transformed it from a city characterized by opencirculation to one with a large number <strong>of</strong> ‘fortifiedenclaves’. 55 This came about not so much through any act <strong>of</strong>deliberate public policy, but ra<strong>the</strong>r through <strong>the</strong> exercise <strong>of</strong>individual and community choices on a considerable scale bythose who were rich enough to make such choices. Whilethis is wholly understandable from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> suchindividuals, <strong>the</strong> effect on both <strong>the</strong> physical and <strong>the</strong> socialfunctioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city can be very negative.The above discussion is largely about how relativelywealthy elites in São Paulo have chosen to segregate<strong>the</strong>mselves physically from <strong>the</strong> problems being experiencedin <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city. The conclusion should not be drawnthat processes <strong>of</strong> this nature inevitably leave <strong>the</strong> urban poorin such cities helpless and unable to do anything about <strong>the</strong>ircircumstances. For example, <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> how crime andviolence have been addressed in Diadema is about takingpositive action to tackle crime and violence in part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>same São Paulo conurbation <strong>of</strong> ‘fortified enclaves’. It ismainly about <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> political leadership, about<strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> partnership between key agencies, and aboutdetermined action to tackle deep-seated problems. 56But one element <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Diadema story is also about<strong>the</strong> community itself, and about <strong>the</strong> desire <strong>of</strong> that communityto see <strong>the</strong> extreme problems being tackled and to takeadvantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new opportunities being provided in orderto build better ways <strong>of</strong> life. What is illustrated here are twosets <strong>of</strong> phenomena that appear to exist side by side: privateaction by elites to insulate <strong>the</strong>mselves from what <strong>the</strong>y see as

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