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Vulnerability, risk and resilience: Towards a conceptual framework29simply ‘give up’ in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> risks <strong>the</strong>y feel <strong>the</strong>y are unableto manage. The latter behaviours fall within <strong>the</strong> selfdestructivebehaviours <strong>of</strong> institutions and societies whichhave declined and, in some cases, disappeared. 22 Both <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>se cases, however, demonstrate <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> localculture and civil society, subjects that will be treated later inthis chapter – as well as in Chapters 7 and 8 – in relation to<strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> resilience.It is also important to stress that <strong>the</strong> responses <strong>of</strong>government to disasters are now <strong>the</strong>mselves globally visible.The leadership <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>of</strong> New York after 11 September2001 was widely praised and considered as an example <strong>of</strong>effective government. In contrast, <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>of</strong> Mumbai, atrisk <strong>of</strong> losing his job after having been sharply criticized for<strong>the</strong> Mumbai Municipal Corporation’s weak response to <strong>the</strong>monsoon flooding in July 2005, remarked some monthslater, after <strong>the</strong> world saw <strong>the</strong> poor performance <strong>of</strong> US institutionsin responding to Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans:‘Thank heavens for New Orleans.’ Confidence in publicinstitutions is <strong>the</strong>refore itself at risk, with major implicationsin o<strong>the</strong>r arenas as well. Dozens <strong>of</strong> articles appeared in <strong>the</strong>Indian press asking why public institutions had not beenbetter prepared to deal with <strong>the</strong> extreme impacts <strong>of</strong> largelypredictable monsoon rains. 23Indeed, <strong>the</strong>re is evidence that political changes arecommon following disasters as questions are raised about<strong>the</strong> effectiveness <strong>of</strong> government responses and <strong>the</strong> capacities<strong>of</strong> leadership. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cases <strong>of</strong> political changefollowing disasters, including Turkey, Mexico, Chile,Nicaragua and Guatemala, are presented in Chapter 7.These three examples <strong>of</strong> global forces – <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> global economy, <strong>the</strong> global environment, and <strong>the</strong> interaction<strong>of</strong> global uncertainty with <strong>the</strong> weakening <strong>of</strong> national andlocal institutions – are illustrative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> linkages betweenglobal, national and urban levels. Each demonstrates howvulnerability to threats to urban safety and security can beaffected by forces that previously were not considered to beso significant in reducing local risks. The global level, <strong>the</strong>refore,must now be considered in <strong>the</strong> mapping <strong>of</strong> urban risk.National levelA wide spectrum <strong>of</strong> national factors affects vulnerability toproblems <strong>of</strong> urban safety and security and, specifically, <strong>the</strong>problems <strong>of</strong> crime and violence, security <strong>of</strong> tenure, andnatural and human-made disasters. These problems startwith <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> income <strong>of</strong> individual countries andsocieties. In general, data shows that richer countries havelower levels <strong>of</strong> crime and violence, although <strong>the</strong>re are manyexceptions to this pattern, such as <strong>the</strong> higher homicidelevels in <strong>the</strong> US or in Russia. Chapter 3 presents evidence on<strong>the</strong> incidence <strong>of</strong> different types <strong>of</strong> crime and violence byregion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world and examines <strong>the</strong> correlations withvarious socio-economic, political, demographic and culturalfactors. 24 The importance <strong>of</strong> national cultural factorsdeserves special mention because, for example, <strong>the</strong> availabilityand use <strong>of</strong> firearms is highly cultural, as illustrated in <strong>the</strong>large differences between <strong>the</strong> UK, <strong>the</strong> US and Canada.Insecurity <strong>of</strong> tenure and <strong>the</strong> likelihood <strong>of</strong> illegaloccupancy <strong>of</strong> public and private land are also highlynegatively correlated with national income. So, too, isvulnerability to natural and human-made disasters, asdemonstrated by <strong>the</strong> fact cited in Chapter 1 that 98 per cent<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims <strong>of</strong> disasters since 1990 have been in developingcountries. National per capita income, <strong>the</strong>refore, seemsto be a robust and significant, if not entirely determinant,proxy for vulnerability to <strong>the</strong>se three threats to urban safetyand security. However, this statement also requires somequalification reflecting local cultural differences acrosscities.This finding also correlates strongly with <strong>the</strong> generalfinding that many attributes <strong>of</strong> welfare – longevity, literacy,health status, housing quality, access to water supply andsanitation, among o<strong>the</strong>rs – correlate positively with nationalFigure 2.2Location <strong>of</strong> majorpopulation centresSource: <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>, 1997In general, datashows that richercountries have lowerlevels <strong>of</strong> crime andviolence, although<strong>the</strong>re are manyexceptions to thispattern

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