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Language Contact and Documentation: Contacto Linguistico y Documentacion

por Bernard Comrie y Lucia Golluscio

por Bernard Comrie y Lucia Golluscio

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122 Mutua Mehinaku & Bruna Franchetto<br />

river, 600 Amerindians known as Kuikuro speak a dialect of the Upper Xingu<br />

Carib <strong>Language</strong> (LKAX), one of the two Southern branches of the Carib family<br />

(Meira & Franchetto 2005; Meira 2006). Kalapalo, Nahukwá <strong>and</strong> Matipu –<br />

Kuikuro’s neighbours – speak other dialects of the same language. 3 As a result,<br />

Upper Xingu people are essentially tetsualü, ‘mixed.’<br />

Our aim is to explain the multicultural <strong>and</strong> plurilingual formations of the<br />

Upper Xingu peoples. The fact that these peoples are seen to be linguistically<br />

homogenous within each village <strong>and</strong> culturally homogenous within the borders<br />

of the Upper Xingu regional system limits our underst<strong>and</strong>ing of their complexity.<br />

The encounters of persons, cultures <strong>and</strong> languages are our initial topic of<br />

discussion; Mutua tells his own exemplary (hi)story. The marriage between Ipi<br />

<strong>and</strong> Kumatsi – Mutua’s mother <strong>and</strong> father, respectively – shows one of the<br />

origins of the mixture typical of extended families. Marriage to a tikinhü (other<br />

people) has helped stimulate the circulation of linguistic <strong>and</strong> cultural elements<br />

that enrich knowledge <strong>and</strong> forms of expression. Hence, for example, it was<br />

Mutua’s gr<strong>and</strong>mother Sesuaka, from her Mehinaku side, who taught Kuikuro<br />

women how to make porridge from sweet manioc (maisahalu) <strong>and</strong> fine manioc<br />

flour. This history of amalgamations through marriages teaches us that Upper<br />

Xingu people are not culturally equal. Each people read a common background<br />

in a different way. The Mehinaku <strong>and</strong> Kalapalo cannot eat certain fish species<br />

eaten by the Kuikuro when their children are small. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, the<br />

Kuikuro consider ketimatoho, ‘that which cannot be eaten,’ foods that do not<br />

mean the same thing to the Mehinaku <strong>and</strong> Kalapalo. These divergences were<br />

problems in the day-to-day lives of Mutua’s parents together. Each group has<br />

its view of the ‘others’: politics are specific but at the same time they are all<br />

kin, whether true or distant.<br />

In the second part, dedicated to the different languages manifested in the<br />

songs, we can see the rich mixtures that took place <strong>and</strong> that remain captured<br />

in the songs of the intra <strong>and</strong> inter-village rituals. Akinha, ‘narratives,’ ailene,<br />

‘dance’, <strong>and</strong> eginhene, ‘song’, are the core of joy <strong>and</strong> happiness. Without gekuilene,<br />

‘animation,’ the village becomes profoundly sad.<br />

While the first <strong>and</strong> second parts will focus on ‘mixture’ as an end result,<br />

in the third part we will turn to the narratives that recount the emergence of<br />

differentiation, focusing on the case of the Upper Xingu Carib peoples. Heckenberger<br />

(2001) writes of the prehistorical existence of large, densely populated<br />

3 LKAX is an agglutinative, head final <strong>and</strong> ergative language. The main results of more than<br />

thirty years of research among the Kuikuro can be seen in Franchetto (1986, 1990, 1995, 2000,<br />

2003, 2006, 2008, 2010), Franchetto & Santos (2009, 2010), Franchetto et al. (2007, 2013).

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