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Language Contact and Documentation: Contacto Linguistico y Documentacion

por Bernard Comrie y Lucia Golluscio

por Bernard Comrie y Lucia Golluscio

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Tetsualü: The pluralism of languages <strong>and</strong> people in the Upper Xingu 141<br />

message via songs (in Carib among the Carib, each people in their own language),<br />

while hagaka transmits its message via speech: more specifically, in<br />

the insults (in Carib among the Carib, each people in their own language)<br />

aimed at the ‘cousin,’ the verbal genre typical to this festival. I noted that the<br />

intention to insult is the same since in both rituals the insults can be made<br />

directly or discretely (so the rival does not perceive them). The Kuikuro explain<br />

that in the kuãbü ritual too only the cousin has the right to speak by singing<br />

to the other cousin. One kuãbü song composition says: “if you were my cousin,<br />

I would let you criticize me by singing.” This makes it clear that ideally only<br />

the cross-cousin can challenge by singing. The languages only become mixed<br />

in the interethnic festival concluding the Hagaka ritual, when we hear insults<br />

in all the languages spoken by the guest <strong>and</strong> host villages. The same universe<br />

of different languages <strong>and</strong> dialects is recreated every time that the villages<br />

come together in a festival or when the messengers who invited the guests<br />

reply in their own language to the discourses made by the chief of the invited<br />

village (anetü itaginhu, ‘speech of the chief’), which are in his language: Kuikuro<br />

versus Kamayurá, Wauja versus Kalapalo, Kalapalo versus Kuikuro, <strong>and</strong> so<br />

forth.<br />

In the songs we find loan words from Portuguese <strong>and</strong>, as we saw, the Bakairi<br />

language, a significant element in terms of underst<strong>and</strong>ing the formation of<br />

the Upper Xingu’s ritual complexity. In the primordial time, kuge, ‘people,’ like<br />

the Kuikuro, learnt from the itseke <strong>and</strong>, in turn, the kuge passed on this knowledge<br />

to other kuge, such that the songs were passed from person to person.<br />

Over the course of this transmission, the songs considered true lost some of<br />

the meaning <strong>and</strong> became incomprehensible, but the rhythm, the interweaving<br />

of the songs <strong>and</strong> the effect all remain the same.<br />

4 Kitaginhu agaketühügü: Divided languages<br />

Our analysis confirms what other researchers have already identified: the<br />

strong presence of Arawak occupation in the Upper Xingu region. This did not<br />

happen by chance. The origin akinha (narrative) explains that the creator twin<br />

brothers belonged to two separate peoples: Aulukuma, our ancestor, was of<br />

Arawak origin <strong>and</strong> named all things in Arawak. Taũgi was an ancestor of the<br />

whites <strong>and</strong> used to name his creations with Carib words. Anthropology, ethnology<br />

<strong>and</strong> archaeology tell us that as each people arrived in the Upper Xingu, in<br />

the majority of cases seeking refuge from the whites, they took their culture<br />

<strong>and</strong> absorbed the culture that they met there. This is also what the songs show

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