Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors
Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors
Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors
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From a sociolinguistic background Heegaard et al. (1995) find much the same as Briggs<br />
and Wolfson; that life style or ‘cultural’ differences between interviewer and informant has<br />
tremendous influence on the quality of the interview; leading <strong>to</strong> the conclusion that the socio-<br />
linguistic interview is unsuitable for its very purpose of producing data for quantitative analy-<br />
sis (ibid.: 58). Furthermore, Heegaard et al. find that not only the informants’ style vary with<br />
social background, also the interviewer’s style will vary when speaking with informants of<br />
different background. In their study, they show that an interviewer systematically shifts regi-<br />
ster when speaking with working class informants as opposed <strong>to</strong> speaking with middle class<br />
informants. He accommodates <strong>to</strong> the informant – or, crucially, <strong>to</strong> his expectancies of the in-<br />
formant, we cannot tell. This leads us back <strong>to</strong> the problem of circularity sketched out above:<br />
Briggs points out that member’s metacommunicative reper<strong>to</strong>ires crucially effect data gathered<br />
through interviews; Heegaard et al. point out that interviewer and informant effect each<br />
other’s communicative reper<strong>to</strong>ires (cf. also the discussion of SAT below). Thus, it would<br />
seem, we wind up in a situation where the very language of the interview is partly a product<br />
of the interviewer’s interpretation of the informant. That is, the interviewer needs, according<br />
<strong>to</strong> Briggs, <strong>to</strong> adjust his communicative reper<strong>to</strong>ires <strong>to</strong> the informant; but the language that he<br />
translates <strong>to</strong> can only be qualified guesses of the informant’s communicative reper<strong>to</strong>ries –<br />
prejudices as it were. Moreover, no matter whether they are good or poor guesses, they will<br />
effect the informant’s answers. The interpretations of the interviews, e.g. in terms of cultural<br />
or social differences between different informants, will then in part be a product of the inter-<br />
viewer’s assumption of informants’ metacommunicative reper<strong>to</strong>ires. I will return <strong>to</strong> the pro-<br />
blem of circularity when discussing SAT’s analysis of ‘overaccommodation’.<br />
4.1 Familiarity and routinisation<br />
Summing up the discussions above, interviewing is <strong>de</strong>pendant on the informant’s familiarity<br />
with certain social practices. This goes from the very macro level of familiarity with the inter-<br />
view as a speech event right <strong>to</strong> the micro level of familiarity with the usage of single words.<br />
Wolfson’s arguments imply that the interview may prove troublesome because it is an un-<br />
known speech genre <strong>to</strong> the informant as well as the interviewer. Briggs argues that the validi-<br />
ty of data is <strong>de</strong>pendant on the interviewer and the informant sharing familiarity with certain<br />
metacommunicative reper<strong>to</strong>ires. From CA comes an argument not unlike Wolfson’s, that in-<br />
terviewing is problematic because it is parasitic on everyday conversation and shares certain<br />
features with this familiar genre, whereas its data are treated as experimentally objective. Fi-<br />
nally, from the ‘mother <strong>to</strong>ngue’ example we saw how an informant’s unfamiliarity with a<br />
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