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Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors

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ather cooler view of Scandinavian represented by the more diverse MIN-informants, it is not<br />

unlikely that Iceland should rather be compared with Finland as ‘a core in its own right’, than<br />

with the Faeroes or Swedish-speaking Finns, who share a closer linguistic or political bond<br />

with Scandinavia.<br />

As we have seen, the questions of English or Scandinavian in inter-Nordic communication<br />

stand in a one-dimensional opposition <strong>to</strong> each other. This would mean that pro-Englishness<br />

typically comes across as anti-Scandinavism, and vice versa. But such a forced opposition<br />

might not represent a true picture of peoples’ i<strong>de</strong>ologies; valuing English highly in inter-<br />

Nordic communication need not be due <strong>to</strong> a lack of competence in Scandinavian languages,<br />

nor need it be due <strong>to</strong> negative sentiments <strong>to</strong>wards Scandinavian. It might just as well be a re-<br />

sult of fluency in English and positive sentiments <strong>to</strong>wards English. Conversely, negative sen-<br />

timents <strong>to</strong>wards Scandinavian may be overshadowed by a lack of competence in English, or<br />

any other combination of the two. In fact, it may even be that part of what it means <strong>to</strong> be seen<br />

as a ‘true’ Nordic person, is <strong>to</strong> be fluent in English. That is, the two dimensions of ‘Nordicity’<br />

and ‘Englishness’ may not at all be in opposition <strong>to</strong> each other, but may work <strong>to</strong>gether <strong>to</strong> form<br />

a Nordic i<strong>de</strong>ntity.<br />

This is our reason for including the responses <strong>to</strong> the question on global English (# 3.4) in<br />

this study: <strong>to</strong> get at the more general attitu<strong>de</strong>s <strong>to</strong>wards English as a language of wi<strong>de</strong>r com-<br />

munication as well as <strong>to</strong> get data on informants’ competence in, and contact with, English.<br />

Again, we draw on data from the INS-project, since that study also inclu<strong>de</strong>s tests in respon-<br />

<strong>de</strong>nts’ competence in English. Further, as regards contact with English, we inclu<strong>de</strong> data from<br />

the opinion poll survey part of the MIN-project (see Kristiansen, this volume). Here the re-<br />

spon<strong>de</strong>nts are a representative sample of the populations, and ‘contact’ means ‘productive<br />

contact’, i.e. speaking, writing or talking English rather than merely hearing it e.g. on TV. Ta-<br />

ble 4 shows a comparison of all the relevant scales. This time the ranks on the question of<br />

Scandinavian in INC have been reversed so that the most pro-English are situated at the far<br />

left in table 4.<br />

Table 4: Contact with, competence in, and views on English<br />

MINproject <br />

INSproject<br />

‘Pro-English’<br />

Fac<strong>to</strong>r Most Least<br />

INC–Scand.<br />

(reversed)<br />

Fin Ice Nor (Swe Den) SweFin Far<br />

INC–English (Ice Fin) Den (Swe Nor) SweFin Far<br />

Global English Far (Den Nor) Swe Ice Fin SweFin<br />

Contact Ice Swe (Den Nor Fin) SweFin Far<br />

Competence in<br />

English<br />

(SweFin Far Swe) (Nor Ice) Den Fin<br />

151

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