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Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors

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eing interviewed about something you did not believe yourself an expert of, and finding your<br />

every word scrutinised, driven <strong>to</strong> its logical (but probably ‘unreasonable’) extreme and<br />

thrown back at you in a way that you didn’t recognise but which was still consi<strong>de</strong>red your at-<br />

titu<strong>de</strong>. What would you do <strong>to</strong> s<strong>to</strong>p this head on confrontationalism? Whatever you or I would<br />

do, the informants here choose one of two strategies. One is <strong>to</strong> play along with it. That is what<br />

we have seen from the informant in the excerpt about ‘changing your mind’. He apparently<br />

accepts that he should hold a generalisable opinion, and tries <strong>to</strong> pose himself as such and ar-<br />

gue his case. The other strategy is <strong>to</strong> always choose the less remarkable of two options. The<br />

conversational rule is simple and probably universal: If you disagree with something or you<br />

find something wrong in the way things are conducted, you must argue your case – at least<br />

you make it an arguable matter that others can question. If you agree or claim that things are<br />

fine the way they are, it is consi<strong>de</strong>rably less likely that you will be asked <strong>to</strong> argue your case.<br />

Which of the two strategies are chosen, correlate highly with social background. The higher<br />

status informants argue their case, the lower status opts for being remarkably unremarkable.<br />

We thus have a number of ten<strong>de</strong>ncies that lead <strong>to</strong> the same result, viz. a wish for things <strong>to</strong> re-<br />

main the way they are. On the one hand stands the norm of being reasonable, non-radical,<br />

normal and unmarked. On the other stands an interactional strategy that keeps unwanted ques-<br />

tions away by opting for the unremarkable, generally accepted middle-of-the-road answer.<br />

There is nothing in the ten<strong>de</strong>ncy of opting for the unmarked which points in any speci-<br />

fic direction concerning loanwords. As we have seen, the ‘status quo’ argument can be used<br />

equally <strong>to</strong> argue for less English and for leaving the English influence as it is. In other words,<br />

we cannot use this ten<strong>de</strong>ncy <strong>to</strong> <strong>de</strong>duce that the informants are pro or counter English loan-<br />

words. What we can <strong>de</strong>duce is that placing the informants in a situation where they must ar-<br />

gue against the current state of affairs and in favour of some future, u<strong>to</strong>pian, vision of a better<br />

language society is probably going <strong>to</strong> turn out pretty disappointing.<br />

Conclusion<br />

I have tried <strong>to</strong> argue a qualitative approach <strong>to</strong> un<strong>de</strong>rstanding the language policy questions of<br />

national language vs. English vs. other international languages in a Nordic (specifically Da-<br />

nish) context. This argument necessarily takes the large amount of quantitative analyses as its<br />

starting point. ‘Necessarily’ on the one hand, because quantitatively is how we are used <strong>to</strong><br />

thinking about attitu<strong>de</strong>s. ‘What do you think about English?’. ‘Do you regard the influence<br />

from English positively or negatively?’. ‘Necessarily’ on the other hand, because the filling in<br />

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