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Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors

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The two questions are clearly <strong>de</strong>signed as the opposite of each other, and for the large majori-<br />

ty of the informants, that is how they were perceived. For a significant minority, however, the<br />

second question was pragmatically re-interpreted in the linguistic context constructed by the<br />

first question. We can then have informants who are in agreement with both of the two state-<br />

ments, saying e.g. that Scandinavian<br />

…is good as long as it doesn’t pose any problems. […] And in the case that you have<br />

misun<strong>de</strong>rstandings, then it would be an advantage <strong>to</strong> use English [Inf22, 26.25]<br />

This contextualization can be seen as both linguistic, in that it draws upon the first question in<br />

answering the second, and as social, in that it construes the informant as a rational, non-<br />

<strong>dog</strong>matic kind of person. This shows us that even if the two questions are clearly in oppositi-<br />

on when they are viewed rid of context, in the social and linguistic context of a social event<br />

they may be (re)contextualised not-excluding each other; one is preferable in some situations,<br />

the other supplements where the first comes short of target.<br />

The contextualisations are interesting for two separate reasons. Firstly, they tell us so-<br />

mething about the nature of the interview as a social event, a conversation. Secondly, they<br />

give a hint as <strong>to</strong> the informants’ presuppositions, i<strong>de</strong>ologies, in<strong>de</strong>ed their attitu<strong>de</strong>s. In seeing<br />

what the informant picks out as the thing that needs rhe<strong>to</strong>rical support, we may get a glimpse<br />

of his take on the language political issues rather than have him following ours. We will re-<br />

turn <strong>to</strong> this below, suffice it here <strong>to</strong> note how the use of English ‘needs’ a qualification, if you<br />

have misun<strong>de</strong>rstandings, whereas the use of Scandinavian is ‘inherently’ good. We see so-<br />

mething similar in this excerpt:<br />

It is very, very rare that you switch <strong>to</strong> English, because you find it embarrassing, but<br />

you often feel like it, you know? [Inf28, 43.08]<br />

It goes without saying that this qualitative look on the rhe<strong>to</strong>rical take on the two ‘opposing’<br />

questions says more about the informants’ attitu<strong>de</strong>s <strong>to</strong>wards the use of English and Scandina-<br />

vian in inter-Nordic communication than the numerical difference of .75 on a 5-point scale in<br />

the favour of Scandinavian.<br />

Related <strong>to</strong> the different ‘contextualizations’ is a <strong>de</strong>gree of ‘pragmaticalization’, i.e. coming <strong>to</strong><br />

terms with the relevance of a particular attitu<strong>de</strong> object. This often means drawing upon wi<strong>de</strong>r<br />

social implications of the issue or drawing upon personal experience. This process of making<br />

sense of the questions is of course what we expect interviewee’s <strong>to</strong> go through. But still, it<br />

202

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