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Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors

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Wolfson supports her claims by showing that his<strong>to</strong>rical present tense, which is very<br />

common in narratives in casual communication (noted through observation) is strikingly rare<br />

in sociolinguistic interviews. Hence, the sociolinguistic interview has certain influences on<br />

the respon<strong>de</strong>nt’s style of speech.<br />

It seems reasonable <strong>to</strong> assume that an attitu<strong>de</strong> interview of a qualitative kind is given <strong>to</strong><br />

the same fundamental problems of uncertainty about speech events as the ones Wolfson po-<br />

ints out. Like the sociolinguistic interview, the qualitative interview also treats informants as<br />

‘intimate strangers’ asking rather personal questions and <strong>de</strong>manding answers that strangers<br />

would not usually ask of each other. Of course the <strong>de</strong>gree of intimacy varies with different<br />

interview approaches, however, all interview procedures share with the sociolinguistic inter-<br />

view the quality of being partly a conversation and partly ‘something else’. Thus, it seems<br />

reasonable for attitu<strong>de</strong> interviews <strong>to</strong> make the same reinterpretation as Wolfson suggests. In-<br />

stead of <strong>de</strong>scribing attitu<strong>de</strong>s presented in an interview as the respon<strong>de</strong>nt’s ‘natural’ attitu<strong>de</strong>s,<br />

they should be regar<strong>de</strong>d as ‘situationally appropriate attitu<strong>de</strong>s’.<br />

Charles Briggs’ (Briggs 1986, 1984) criticism is less than Wolfson’s restricted <strong>to</strong> the so-<br />

ciolinguistic interview, but rather regards all interviewing with interest in social or cultural<br />

<strong>de</strong>scriptions. Like Wolfson he has a background in anthropology. Through his fieldwork with<br />

Spanish speaking Mexicanos in New Mexico, he found that some informants coped better<br />

with the question-and-answer procedures he wished them <strong>to</strong> participate in than did others.<br />

Some informants presented long, elaborate, and reflexive answers <strong>to</strong> his questions, others an-<br />

swered with an ‘oh well, you know’ (Briggs 1986: 91). Most often, the investiga<strong>to</strong>r’s analysis<br />

of a society will be based primarily on the full and elaborate answers of key-informants, the<br />

shorter answers of informants less able <strong>to</strong> fill the format being disregar<strong>de</strong>d. This would be on-<br />

ly a minor problem if all informants shared the same background and answers’ contents were<br />

only <strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt on traits of personality. However, what Briggs finds is that the informants<br />

who give elaborate answers are the informants who speak English the best; who not only ma-<br />

ster the language but also the metacommunicative genres of the American speech community,<br />

i.e. its system of interviewing. The informants who are not familiar with these genres would<br />

have entirely different ways of transmitting the cultural knowledge that anthropologists looks<br />

for. For example, the appropriate way <strong>to</strong> instruct a novice might not be for the novice <strong>to</strong> ask<br />

questions, but for an el<strong>de</strong>r <strong>to</strong> give or<strong>de</strong>rs and ask questions. With the anthropologist acting as<br />

a novice seeking cultural knowledge, we see that his method may not comply with the nati-<br />

ve’s metacommunicatic genre. Failure <strong>to</strong> comply with the partner’s metacommunicative ex-<br />

pectancies may lead <strong>to</strong> communication break down.<br />

99

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