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Hør dog hvad de siger - Note-to-Self: Trials & Errors

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On the other hand, if South Americans are not only perceived as poor speakers of English, but<br />

also poor in economical terms, we get that:<br />

It is poor countries that speak Spanish, it is not a significant language [Inf3, 35.39].<br />

In other words, the size of a language is not simply <strong>to</strong> do with the number of speakers that use<br />

it as a first or second language, it is also <strong>to</strong> do with the economic potential of the speakers.<br />

I believe that German has an enormous influence here in Europe. In the EU they are, as<br />

they say, the mo<strong>to</strong>r, and the German economy… And internationally it is also a big<br />

player. [Inf22, 19.10].<br />

Therefore it is not quite as simple as saying that English is consi<strong>de</strong>red the only language<br />

worth learning. Rather, English is the <strong>de</strong>fault language; learning other languages requires an<br />

explicated reason in a way English does not. <strong>Note</strong>, however, that although the informant in<br />

the last excerpt takes his starting point in German (the language), all of his data are in support<br />

of Germany (the country). There is nothing <strong>to</strong> say that the German economy could not take<br />

English as its working language.<br />

We see thus how the reason for promoting the teaching of ‘international languages’, <strong>de</strong>als<br />

universally with the (economic) utilitarian use of the languages 57 . However, the utilitarian ra-<br />

tionality that promotes English first and other languages secondly does not apply <strong>to</strong> the other<br />

categories of languages in a straightforward way. If we want <strong>to</strong> learn why Danish is evaluated<br />

the way it is, we need <strong>to</strong> introduce other kinds of arguments and presuppositions in<strong>to</strong> the dis-<br />

cussion. Danish draws upon a completely different ‘rhe<strong>to</strong>rical context’ (Billig 1987) from the<br />

international languages. To assume that they are evaluated in a one-dimensional space (such<br />

as the one a 5-point scale represents) misses out on the more essential and interesting aspects<br />

of the i<strong>de</strong>ological make-up of the informants.<br />

There are three ways <strong>to</strong> arrive at the promotion of Danish: 1) The maintenance of the<br />

Danish language and the Danish cultural roots, 2) the need for a ‘correct’ use of the national<br />

language, 3) the promotion of general linguistic awareness. We will look at the three in turn.<br />

The ‘cultural discourse’, as it were, draws simultaneously on issues of personal i<strong>de</strong>ntity and<br />

linguistic diversity, as well as nationalistic blut-und-bo<strong>de</strong>n rhe<strong>to</strong>ric.<br />

57 With one or two exceptions <strong>to</strong> prove the rule, viz. promotion of German <strong>to</strong> increase pupils' general linguistic<br />

awareness, since there has been a tradition of teaching German with more explicit focus on grammar than has<br />

been the case in teaching English and Danish.<br />

211

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