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(Person) Percentage - Sabanci University Research Database

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The Asian Media & Mass Communication Conference 2010 Osaka, Japan<br />

market share in the world’s biggest TV market. Both private media production<br />

companies have extensive connections with state broadcasters who control the<br />

channels for distribution and often engage in cooperative projects with them. Jilin TV,<br />

the leading broadcaster of Jishi Media Co. Ltd, the media conglomerates in Jilin<br />

province of Northeast China, is a minor player in the joint venture to produce and<br />

broadcast Dwelling Narrowness. Its participation in such a venture is mostly driven<br />

by business concerns and possibly facilitated through personal connections (guanxi)<br />

in China’s TV drama industry.<br />

The co-production of Dwelling Narrowness is telling about the changing pattern of<br />

media operation in China. Since 1980s Chinese media have undergone a series of<br />

reforms toward decentralization, marketization, and internationalization, led by the<br />

party-state. These reforms have been taken to a new height since 1990s, prompted by<br />

the increased integration of Chinese economy into global capitalism and China’s own<br />

leapfrog in digitalization and information and communication technologies (ICTs)<br />

development. From the introduction of contract system and producer responsibility<br />

system, to outsourcing program productions to independent producers and private<br />

production companies, from absorbing foreign capitals to adopting global media<br />

giants’ business models by forming Chinese media conglomerates (first in the press<br />

and then in the broadcast and communication sectors), from the explosion of lifestyle<br />

news-oriented tabloids, metropolitan dailies and entertainment programs to the<br />

proliferation of specialty channels and integration of digital platforms (Internet,<br />

mobile phone and IP TV) in existing print and broadcast mediums—We have<br />

witnessed a changing dynamic in media operation and management China. It started<br />

with hesitations, anxieties and objections, and was characterized as “messy,<br />

protracted, confusing, and confused, littered with odd, even counterintuitive<br />

institutions, structures, and practices” (Zhao 2000, 3). But it has proved to be a<br />

successful attempt (for the party-state and neoliberal intellectuals) to unleash the<br />

potential of the market, promote creativity and entrepreneurship of individuals, and at<br />

the same time retain the “commanding heights” of the party leadership in media<br />

ideology and orientation.<br />

Spearheaded by the party-organ media themselves, the reforms of Chinese media and<br />

communication sectors have turned Chinese media into one of the most lucrative<br />

112

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