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(Person) Percentage - Sabanci University Research Database

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The Asian Media & Mass Communication Conference 2010 Osaka, Japan<br />

efficiency of public sidewalk characters declined drastically if too much burden is placed<br />

upon them.<br />

She argued a network required three requisites to prosper: a start of some kind, a physical<br />

area which sufficient people can identify as users, and like Bourdieu, it requires time. Jacobs’<br />

idea of public characters bears strong similarity to the regional newspaper network, where<br />

public characters can be considered both journalists and their sources of news. A focus of my<br />

wider research project will be to consider what happens to social capital if difficulties and<br />

burdens are placed on those who disseminate news and information within these networks.<br />

I have deliberately referred to regional newspapers as networks throughout this paper as<br />

networks are considered by all four founding theorists on social capital as an essential<br />

element of social capital theory.<br />

Network theorist Ronald Burt (Burt 1992) devised the ‘structural hole’ theory of social<br />

capital as it applies to organisations, which is a valuable tool for understanding the<br />

production and dissemination of news and information in the regional newspaper<br />

environment. He expands on Granovetter’s weak ties concept ((Granovetter 1973) to argue<br />

that information brokers (individual or organisations) acquire social capital by feeding off<br />

weak ties or structural holes between clusters of people for their own gain (Burt 1992). While<br />

bridging has been connected to information channels, there is little evidence to suggest that<br />

Burt’s theory has not been linked to the media industry. The structural hole argument defines<br />

social capital in terms of the information and control advantages of being the broker between<br />

people otherwise disconnected in social structure (Burt 1997, p. 340). The structural hole is<br />

an opportunity to broker the flow of information between people and control the form of<br />

projects that bring together people from all sides of the hole. (p341)<br />

Importantly, Burt argues a structural hole between two clusters in a network does not mean<br />

that people in the two clusters are unaware of each other. It simply means that they are so<br />

focused on their own activities that they have little time to attend to the activities of people in<br />

the other cluster. (Burt 2001). This is similar to Jacobs’ observation of the NYC sidewalk<br />

‘broker’ or public character who brings people together whom which “a certain degree of<br />

contact is useful or enjoyable, but you do not want them in your hair. And they do not want<br />

you in theirs either”(Jacobs 1961, p. 67).<br />

Burt says a structural hole indicates that the people on either side of the hole circulate in<br />

different flows of information. (p341). He argues brokers are in a position to bring together<br />

otherwise disconnected contacts, which gives them disproportionate say in whose interests<br />

are served when the contacts come together. The power to control information corresponds to<br />

terms used in media research such as gatekeeping (White, 1950) and agenda setting theory<br />

(McCombs & Shaw, 1972) which aim to make correlations between what a newspaper<br />

considers newsworthy and how it is presented from story structure to placement, design and<br />

layout. Further, the broker’s power to control information by connecting structural holes can<br />

be for the public good for example where the media takes an advocacy role using the<br />

collective capital of the network (Bourdieu 1986) and which may depend on coupling<br />

bonding/bridging/linking forms of social capital (Woolcock, M 2001). For example,<br />

Australia’s earliest newspapers have a tradition of community advocacy. Rod Kirpatrick<br />

argues, regional newspapers began “not merely as commercial ventures but because<br />

businessmen, residents and journalists perceived that their towns had interests separate from<br />

other settlements, particularly those that were bigger or seemed to be developing as rivals for<br />

such facilities as ports, railways or roads” (Kirkpatrick 1984).<br />

429

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