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The Asian Media & Mass Communication Conference 2010 Osaka, Japan The aim of this paper is to understand and expose their usage of media, mostly television, and computer, radio, telephone, stereo/walkman, dvd player related to their being a diasporic community in Central Asia. In order to apply the project, I had a field study using depth interview method with 20 Ahiska Turks, a sum of 10 women and 10 men. I also wanted to expose the generation gap between former Soviet Union citizens and latter independent Kyrgyzstan Republic citizens of Ahiska Turks, so 5 of women were older than 40 and 5 of younger than 25, as just were men. In this study, I sought to try to move beyond the national mentality and categories of “community”, “identity” and mostly “belonging” just to explore alternative transnational possibilities. So, there can be appropriate categories to understand what is happening in transnational cultural experience, as Aksoy and Robins (2000, 2001, 2003) elsewhere argued. Here I too would like to move beyond these diasporic cultural studies’ concepts of ‘homeland’, ‘nostalgia’ and ‘loss’. Therefore I tried to answer how they experience their lifes, and how they think and feel about their experiences through what is the difference that tv makes for them and what is the nature of their engagement with the new transnational media? Diasporic Cultural Studies and Media Theory The prevailing framework concerning how transnational satellite broadcasting systems sustain new kinds of “global diasporic cultures” or “transnational imagined communities” is very problematic. Because “it seeks to understand transnational developments through what are categories of the national imaginary-and is blind to whatever it is that might be new about emerging transnational media cultures” (Aksoy and Robins 2003: 90). As a result, it remains caught up in the mentality of imagined communities, cultures and identities-as grounded in the national mentality (Anderson 1991). My approach will assume that new developments in being diaspora can’t make sense of this diasporic cultural frame. I am concerned with the kind of developments described by Alejandro Portes in which “a growing number of persons..live (triple) lives: speaking three languages, having homes in two-three countries, and making a living through continuous regular contact across national borders” (From Aksoy and Robins 2003: 92). What I am arguing is that the arrival of Turkish television has made a difference for Turkish-speaking diaspora in Central Asia. What is the nature of that difference? Diasporic media are said to be providing new means to promote transnational bonding and maintaining diapora’s identification with the “homeland”. There surely is a certain kind of truth in this argument. But this kind of truth is only a meagre and partial one. The problem with diasporic media studies is that its interests and concern generally come to an end at this point. The diasporic agenda has generally been blind to what else might be happening when migrants are connecting in to the “homeland” culture (Atabaki and Mehendale 2009: 2). The limits of diasporic media studies come from the readiness to believe and accept that diaspora audiences are all behaving as the conventional and conforming members of “diasporic communities”. So I should be concerned with the audience’s minds and sensibilities, but not their cultures or identities. Not how they belong, but how they think. 265
The Asian Media & Mass Communication Conference 2010 Osaka, Japan Media brings the ordinary, banal reality of Turkish life to Ahiska Turks living in Bishkek. So the key concept to understanding transnational Turkish media is banality. The “here and now” reality of Turkish media culture distrubs the imagination of a “there and then” Turkey. This means that Turkish media culture works against the romance of diaspora-as-exile. So it can be said that the transnational Turkish media is an agent of cultural de-mythologisation. The world of Turkish media is an ordinary world and its significance resides in its banal qualities (Billig 1995). Ahiska Turks have quite complex thoughts and sentiments about the television channels and programmes that they are watching. It is clear that they have a critical engagement with the transnational television culture. I believe that Ahiskas’ media activities should be looked at with the same media theories that have been applied to “ordinary” audiences, which is the point of view of “ordinary uses and gratifications”. Parts of the Study In order to apply the project, I had a field study using depth interview method with 20 Ahiska Turks, a sum of 10 women and 10 men in January 2010. I also wanted to expose the generation gap between former Soviet Union citizens and latter independent Kyrgyzstan Republic citizens of Ahiska Turks, so 5 of women were older than 40 and 5 of younger than 25, as just were men. The study constitutes of four parts; 1. television channels, 2. television usage, 3. other media, and 4. the minds of Ahiskas’. In the first part I looked at their favourite channels and tried to understand why they chose those channels. I asked which channels they watch most, and why they watch it most, relating to this do these channels make them feel Turk and what they know and think about Turkey, what they like or dislike about Turkey. In the second part I tried to solve the puzzles of their using television with the questions such as their prime times favourite programme(s), how these Turkish programmes effect or reflect their lives, how often they talk about these programmes. In ‘other media’ part of research, I focused about behaviours of media users’ toward computer, newspaper, magazine, radio, book, internet cafes, and dvd players. In the last part I asked where they would like to live, if there was a relation between Turkish media and being Ahiska Turk, the meaning of Ahiska Turk, if ever been to Turkey. Shortly how they think through media. 1. Television Channels 266
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