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Sociology 69
voting turnout than women. Obviously this statement comes about by sorting
a sample of people first by status and then cross-tabulations for each subset and
voting turnout.
One might suspect that such ‘variate language’ becomes rather monotonous.
This however is not the case, because the variates themselves can be of very
different kinds. They might characterize collectives as well as individuals, be
taken at different time periods, refer to behaviour as well as to reports on ‘inner’
experiences, etc. By combining the formalism of cross-tabulations with an
appropriate classification of kinds of variates, one arrives at a typology of
propositions in variate language which has far-reaching intellectual implica-
tions.
I have selected three terms which play a considerable role in sociological
discussion: process, context and typology. I shall advance a concrete example
for each, to show that these three notions, usually introduced rather vaguely, can
have a precise representation in variate language. It is not claimed that all the
nuances which a series of writers essay with these terms are captured this way.
It would be more correct to say that variate language expresses a minimum
common content which is implied in the various applications. But such a trans-
lation has a double advantage. First, in each special case one can test whether
the term used satisfies a core criterion. Secondly, if there is surplus meaning
one wil be in a much better position to bring it to light.
The concrete examples drawn from a variety of research areas will, I hope,
make the discussion more vivid. No importance is attached to their specific
content. The reader wil easily think of similar cases in his own field of experience.
Social process
It is not necessary to engage in a complicated discussion of causality in order
to reach a point of general agreement: in the study of social processes, one
cannot talk easily about one factor causing another or apply a simple stimulus-
response model. Any institutional change has consequences for people’s
attitudes, and these, in turn, create the need for further institutional changes.
For example, a majority of the populace elects a government; the actions of
this government create public opinion which is quite different in its distribution,
than that which existed originally; the willingness of the populace to support
the government is then different than what it was initially. Some of these changes
come about rather quickly; others, over a considerable time, and often, through
long chains of mediating factors, bringing with them unanticipated consequen-
ces. In other words, the range of factors involved in such social processes, and
the immediacy of their occurrence, may vary greatly.
The image of such a process is best captured in a diagram which, in itself, has
an interesting history. It was originally used by the Dutch economist, Tinbergen,
to explain modern business cycle analysis; it was then applied to sociological
problems by the present author; still later, it was used by the psychologist,
Hovland, to discuss the differences between laboratory experiments and the
study of ‘natural’ changes.