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Sociology 153
12. Runciman’s chapter could be considered part of the British discussion on the
embourgeoisement of the manual worker. The cues for such a concept are still rare,
especially as they would have to come from different time periods and be rather
sensitive to change. It is therefore not surprising that the matter is still controversial.
13. All these cues are not subject to quick change. In the United States, at this moment,
Negro activists request greater participation of family organizations in the
administration of local schools. The reason now is the protection of civil rights,
but as an unanticipated consequence the balance between family and school might
shift. If one were to watch for such changes in the coming years, Dahrendorf’s
type of data would not be too helpful, though very convincing in depicting an
existing basic structure.
14. I wish to draw special attention to a reflective and informative auxiliary paper by
J. A. FISHMAN on ‘Sociolinguistics and the Language Problems of Developing
Countries’, subsequently published in: International Social Science Journal 20 (2),
1968, p. 211.
15. L. COSER, The Study of Conflict, Glencoe (Ill.), Free Press, 1962.
16. S. KELLER, Beyond the Ruling Class, Toronto, Random House, 1968.
17. A very good discussion of the problems here involved can be found in S. NOWAK,
‘The Cultural Norms as Elements of Prognostic and Explanatory Models in
Sociological Theory’, The Polish Sociological Bulletin I4 (21, 1966.
18. A review of this literature may be found in A. BARTON, Organizational Measurement,
New York, College Entrance Examination Board, 1961.
19. E. SHILS, ‘The Macrosociological View’, in: T. PARSONS, et al. (eds.), American
Sociology, New York, Basic Books, 1968.
20. Fortunately it is now possible to obtain a quick overview of the present state of
this discussion. A number of readers on the philosophy of science include writings
on history. In addition, two readers on historical analysis have recently appeared,
each edited by a protagonist of very different points of view: W. DRAY (ed.),
Philosophical Analysis and History, New York, Harper & Row, 1966; P.
GARDWER (ed.), Theories of History, New York, The Free Press of Glencoe,
1959.
21. I. DEVA, ‘The Course of Social Change: A Hypothesis’, Diogenes, 1966, p. 74.
22. P. HOFSTATTER, Gruppendynamik, Hamburg, 1957.
23. A. ETZIONI, ‘Non-conventional Uses of Sociology as Illustrated by Peace Research‘,
in: P. F. LAZARSFELD, et al. (eds.), Uses of Sociology, New York, Basic
Books, 1967.
24. The French speak of ‘thkories de portbe rnoyenne’; the Germans use ‘Theorien der
mittleren Reichweite’. This latter term has many applications in the social
sciences and has sometimes been translated by ‘effective scope’.
25. This is a good point to mention another terminological difficulty. Marxist authors
in Eastern Europe refer to themselves as Communists and designate the work of
their Western colleagues as bourgeois sociology. But no Western social scientist
would designate himself as bourgeois. One has, therefore, to use the somewhat
illogical counterpoint of Communist-Western. An even more complicated dilemma
is created by sociologists who feel strongly that analytical reflections are
neglected by many of their colleagues whom they call positivists. But no modern
sociologist, however concentrated on empirical work, would use this term today.
He would never deny that all the analytical procedures listed above are indispensible
in good empirical work. (Samuel Stouffer is often quoted as an archpositivist;
the title of his collective papers is Social Theories to Test Ideas.) In the
spirit of this section the counterpoint theorist-positivist wil not be used.
26. R. K. MERTON, On Theoretical Sociology - Five Essays, Old and New (which includes
Part One of ‘Social Theory and Social Structure’), New York, Free Press,
1967, P. 42.
27. Ibid.