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Sociology 87
specific cases. Early sociologists tried to discern specific phases through which
societies moved. This effort has not been abandoned but modern macrosociol-
ogists give it a more specific term. Thus Smelser proposes seven steps for the
change of a ‘subsystem’ like the family. A malfunction starting from within or
without, sets in motion search, remedial efforts and further disturbances, until
a new ‘equilibrium’ is reached where a number of new or changed subsystems
take on the function which was originally performed by one. But Smelser stresses
that often some of his steps may be omitted. Bendix stresses that changes may be
quite different according to the time at which they occur. Industrialization in
England was bound to be a different process than in Germany where later some
of the social and technological elements were imported from England. While
the beginning of industrialization in Germany and Japan was nearly simul-
taneous, the preceding history of the two countries greatly affected the pattern
of change.
An ingenious example of the need for flexible thinking on patterns of change
has been provided by an Indian scholar.21 It is well known that after some time,
what once were innovations can come to have retarding effects. Thus, the first
city to introduce electric streetcars will have an outmoded system by the time
that another city, acting later, installs a more efficient one. Deva applies this
schema to newly developing countries in the following way. Countries which
became industrialized at an early date were required to stress the free market
system in order to overcome vestiges of the medieval economy. Now that their
economic systems have become highly complex, considerable central planning
is necessary. But this meets with ideological difficulties because of the earlier
emphasis on free competition. In contrast, the new countries which imported
complex industries had no traditional aversion to state intervention or central
planning. They may bypass a liberal market economy, not for political reasons,
but because they want to move directly to a more advanced mechanism.
e. One more type of reasoning deserves to be reported here: the transfer of
findings made in a more restricted context to a macrosociological level. We
have already mentioned how Runciman uses the notion of ‘relative depriva-
tion’, which was first developed to interpret specific survey results. Peter Hof-
statter argues that small groups, because they are more easily analysed, can
be ‘used as models for the study of more complex collectives, such as thestate:
they can be considered groups of groups’. Borrowing a finding from Bales that
small groups have two kinds of ‘heroes’, a popular one and an efficient one,
Hofstatter notes that the Germans as a nation are perceived as efficient leaders.
Since they cannot conceal their efficiency, they should ally themselves with the
French, representing the well-liked type in the group of nations.22
Etzioni has discussed this whole matter in a systematic way. He uses the term
‘theorem’ for ‘a statement about the relation between two or more variables
which is supported by some data’, His main contention is that a theorem can
be transferred from one subfield to another, using quite different data. This
requires considerable reinterpretation of indicators, but involves the same basic
variables.23 His illustrations come from the field of peace research. At one point