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Piercing the Fog - Air Force Historical Studies Office

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<strong>Piercing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Fog</strong><br />

as it left <strong>the</strong> AAF with too little authority for what he saw as its needs. A few<br />

days after <strong>the</strong> War Department decision was issued, and hoping to fight <strong>the</strong><br />

decision, Scanlon sent Arnold evidence of an unsound MID evaluation relative<br />

to <strong>the</strong> Luftwufse’s attacks on vital points in Britain’s national structure. Arnold<br />

decided he could not <strong>the</strong>n press <strong>the</strong> issue any fur<strong>the</strong>r. He sent Scanlon’s paper<br />

back with a cryptic remark: “We are getting what we want and we will simply<br />

try out <strong>the</strong> whole scheme.””’<br />

Scanlon, at an air staff meeting on September 11, 1941, put <strong>the</strong> best<br />

possible face on <strong>the</strong> problem, stating “that G-2 had agreed to practically<br />

everything we had asked for. Much of it will not be written but is understood.”<br />

According to <strong>the</strong> agreement, A-2 had to check with G-2 for availability of<br />

information on a given topic. If none were available, A-2 officers, working<br />

through G-2 organizations, could obtain it. In addition, G-2 agreed to provide<br />

complete reports from <strong>the</strong>ir sources so <strong>the</strong> <strong>Air</strong> Staff could prepare <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />

studies. Finally, A-2 was authorized direct contact with o<strong>the</strong>r government<br />

departments as well as with foreign military attaches on duty in this country.”’<br />

The jurisdictional paper contained a rnodus vivendi that more or less settled <strong>the</strong><br />

political wrangling and set a pattern for continuing G-2/A-2 relations. It<br />

appeared that as long as <strong>the</strong> G-2 was oficiully responsible for intelligence<br />

collection and dissemination, Miles would be willing to delegate much of <strong>the</strong><br />

air intelligence operation to <strong>the</strong> A-2, <strong>the</strong> organization most vitally concerned<br />

and having <strong>the</strong> qualified people and desire to do <strong>the</strong> work. The A-2 continued<br />

to be chafed by MID restraints, and <strong>the</strong> AAF would periodically request<br />

severance of its A-2 from G-2’s control.<br />

AWPD-1: Planning an <strong>Air</strong> War<br />

Early in 1941, Anglo-American military staff conferences in Washington began<br />

to consider “principles of cooperation ‘should <strong>the</strong> United States be compelled<br />

to resort to war.”’ The three aviation experts involved were <strong>Air</strong> Vice Marshal<br />

John C. Slessor, RAF; Col. 3. T. McNarney, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Air</strong> Corps officer assigned to<br />

WPD; and Capt. DeWitt C. Ramsey, U.S. Navy. On March 27 <strong>the</strong> Anglo-<br />

American representatives issued a document to be known as American-British<br />

Conversations-1 (or ABC-1). Since Germany was <strong>the</strong> most powerful Axis<br />

partner, <strong>the</strong> main Allied effort would be conducted in Europe, and <strong>the</strong><br />

democracies would depend largely on <strong>the</strong> U.S. Pacific Fleet to maintain a<br />

defense against Japan. “The Allied offensive in Europe was to include economic<br />

pressure through blockade, a ‘sustained air offensive’ against German military<br />

power, early defeat of Italy, and <strong>the</strong> buildup of forces for an eventual land<br />

offensive against Germany. As rapidly as possible, <strong>the</strong> Allies would achieve<br />

‘superiority of air strength over that of <strong>the</strong> enemy, particularly in long-range<br />

striking forces. ”’I ”<br />

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