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100 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY NUMBER 23 pilgrimage to the mountain shrines and churches to request permission from the Tutelary Gods. The tools were blessed in the chapel of Naben Chauk. Over eighty men, in the height of the agricultural season, dug day and night to a depth of twentyfive feet in solid limestone. All contact with the site was prohibited to women. Eventually the shamans consulted the Tutelary Gods, Talking Saints, and a spiritualist in Tuxtla Gutierrez in a vain attempt to locate the bell. After excavations in a second site proved unsuccessful, it was divined that the bell was held in the unyielding grasp of two saints. The hamlet, split into two political factions of believers and doubters, abandoned the search (Rush, 1971). See also T76, T91, T157, and their notes. The Priest and the Bell, When the Bell was Lifted T157 Then that Maryan Nuj dreamt about it. He dreamt that the bell was there. It was there. Well then, somebody went to look at the bell. The elders. The elders, but. . . Have you seen the whiteheaded elders in Holy Week who carry [the cross]? Like them. Six elders went. But they were all Thunderbolts. But they weren't real people who went to look. Then, they went. They found it, indeed! The bell was there in the place, in the place of Our Holy Mother [Muxul Vitz]. You've seen the place? You see, the bell was quickly bound with chains. The bell was bound, bound with chains, bound. But the priest went. He went. Then the priest said nothing. The priest went to bless it. The bell was baptised. You see, his maid went. The whorish woman went. [The bell] didn't want a woman [to be there]. Ooh, that was the end of it. Then they heard it at Na Joj [Raven House]. At Na Joj, by Muk'ta Vitz [Great Mountain]. It was bo—nging when it arrived there. They heard it there, then. The chains were left behind, knotted. They were there, since [the bell] was lost. If it weren't for that, who knows if it would probably be hanging [in the church], if it wouldn't be hanging [there]. I don't know. Because long ago Our Holy Father's bell wasn't that bell [that's in the Church of St. Lawrence now]. The [first] bell is in Chiapa. It was never hung. It's in ... the Church of St. Dominic [in Chiapa] is like this . . . it's there inside the yard, but it can't be seen. It's shut up. [The churchyard] just looks like woo—ds. The bell is face down there. Then the ancestors sold it. You see, the holy bell didn't feel at home there. The next morning it was hanging here [in Zinacantan Center]. The bell could be heard, it could be heard as far away as Chiapa. It could be heard as far as Tuxtla. When they rang the bell, it could be heard. They sold it. The Chiapanecs were all Hairy Hands. The Tutelary Gods of the Chiapanecs. The bell had a hard time getting used to it. To this day it's never been hung. It's outside. The bell is there to this day. It wasn't hung. It didn't want [to be hung]. That's 7Ora, chvaychinta taj Maryan Nuj 7une, chvaychin la te li kampanae, te li kampanae tey. Bweno day, li kampanae 7och yajval 7un ba sk'elik 7un, moletik 7un, moletik pero 7aviloj i sak-jol moletik ta kuxel chk'echlomajike, ja7 yech bat vak-vo7 li moletik 7une, pero naka chauk ma7uk batz'i krixchano ba sk'elik 7un. Day, bat 7un, 7istaik a7a, te xa li kampana yo7 li yav 7onox yo7 li jch'ul-me7tike, 7avilojbe li yave? Va7i 7un, chuk xi ta karina 7un, chukul xa chukul xa li ta karina li 7a li kampanae chukul xa. Buy 7une, 7ibat la li pale 7une, bat la. 7Ora, li palee mu k'u xal bat la stz'uiltas i pale 7une, 7ich' xa vo7 li kampana 7une. Va7i, bat la skiara 7un, ja7 bat i piita 7antze mu 7ox xk'ane li 7antze, 7ooo, ch'ab xi, ja7 to la ya7i te ta te ta Na Joj 7un, Na Joj li yo7 Muk'ta Vitze, juteb xa la xkanane—t k'otel 7un, ya7iik xa tey 7un, te la pok'ol kom i karina 7une, ja7 te k'al kom 7o ch'ay 7o 7un, 7a ti manchuke che7e na7tik mi jok'i nan mi muk' xjok'i mu jna7, komo ti vo7ne skampana li jch'ul-tottike che7e ma7uk skampana Ie7e, te ta Soktom i kampanae, muk' bu jok'iem, te taa... xi li 7eklixa Santo Rominkoe, xi ta yut moke pero mu stak' k'elel, bajal naka te—7tik yilel te la nujul li kampanae. 7Ora, ti 7antivoe 7ilaj la xchonik. Va7i 7un, mu la xnop i ch'ul-kampanae H7 xa la jok'ol tzakube, 7a li xvinaj i kampanae xvinaj k'al Soktom, xvinaj ta j-mek k'al Tuxta, xvinaj i kampana k'al stijike, 7ixchonik la 7une, 7a li jsoktometike, vokol la nop 7un li kampanae, muk' 7onox xjok'i k'al tana te ta te ta jvera 7oy i kampana k'al tanae, muk' xjok'i, mu sk'an 7un, ja7 yech 7un, yech'o pas ta prove li 7antivo h'7 7une, ja7 yech a7a. Ji7!
the way it is. That's why the ancestors here became poor. That's the way it was, indeed! Yes! [What were the Hairy Hands like?] Chiapanecs. But their chests were covered with hair, here [their shoulders], here [their arms], all over their legs, just hair. You don't think their legs could be seen like our legs? They couldn't be seen. All hair. Hairy Hands. But they were rain creatures. Nothing could happen to them because they were rain creatures. That's the way it is, indeed! After a lapse of eleven years I asked Xun to retell the story of the bell of Muxul Vitz. We had been talking about the shaman, Maryan Nuj, who had dreamt recently of a "saint" (a humanshaped rock formation) that had just been discovered in the cave of 7Avan Ch'en in Paste7. Xun attributed to him the discovery of the bell, too, though this conflicts with Xun's earlier account that it was three shamans who "saw" the bell when he was "a little boy." Maryan Nuj, though, a vigorous old man, must be ten year's Xun's junior. Xun describes the elders as being like those who carry the cross in Holy Week. The ch 'ul-moletik, or "holy elders" as they are called, are a group of six highly respected old men who choose their own replacements from the most eminent of the slightly junior men. Since telling this tale Xun has become perhaps the only man in Zinacantan who has ever lived to boast that he witnessed his son's appointment as holy elder. But these "weren't real people"—they were Thunderbolts, says Xun. They were transformations or manifestations of powerful souls whose "separate reality" escapes my understanding. In this second version the blame for the bell's loss is laid Well, once there were many Spooks. The women's husbands weren't around. They had gone to the lowlands [to farm]. Now, it seems, they slept at dusk. "Let's sleep. Comadre, will you listen for me [and tell me] if my corn boils over?" "All right, comadre, I'll probably hear it." "I won't know because I am going to sleep at the fireside," said the person whose corn boiled over. "All right, I'll probably hear it," said her comadre. She hears it hi—ssing now. "Comadre, comadre, your corn is boiling over," she said. But it was the woman's blood now. The Spook was there already. "The co—rn is ready, coma— dre!" said the Spook. Xun has abbreviated the major Spook tale so drastically that there is not even a hint that the poor woman was raped as she slept by the fireside. The comadres or "comothers," as the Spanish term is sometimes translated, are ritual kin whose relationship to each other has been established during any one of a number of ceremonies. Most typically, two women related to each other as comadres would mean that one was the mother of a child, and the other, XUN VASKIS The Spook and the Comadre T122 101 Jsoktom, pero naka la tzotz i yo7one, Ii7e Ii7e skotol li yoke naka tzotz, mu7nuk chaval xvinaj yakan chak koktike mu xvinaj, naka tzotz, tzotz k'ob, pero chanul vo7, chanul vo7 mu sna7 k'u spas yu7n chanul vo7, ja7 yech a7a! squarely on the priest and his maid, but not on the elders. As before, Xun proceeds from the history of one bell to the history of another. The loss of the bell from the Church of St. Lawrence he had described years ago in similar terms, but in greater detail in Tale 115. The magical theft of the church bell is a theme widely distributed in the folk literature of Middle America. At dawn the Mixtec chiefs steal a bell from the Spaniards (Dyk, 1959:27-29). The Juchitecs force two Huaves to dig up a pair of bells or be beheaded. The Huaves pull up the bells and carry them on a cloud to their town (Warkinton and Olivares, 1947:223-235). A thunderbolt steals a Zoque bell that later sounds in the mountains (Wonderly, 1947:147-148). So famous was the bell of Chiapa that it is cited in a geographic description of Chiapas in 1845, as being the largest of the department. Containing a considerable amount of gold alloy, it could be heard for a distance of two or three leagues (E. Pineda, 1845:68). Cast in 1576 "with native gold and Spanish iron," it is reputed to be the first bell manufactured in America. See also T74, T76, T91, T114, T115, T151, their notes, and T102. Bweno, 7a li vo7ne che7e, tol j7ik'al, 7a li 7antzetike muk' 117 smalale, batem ta 7olon 7osil. 7Ora, chvayik ya7ele mal k'ak'ale. "Vayikotik che7e, kumale, xava7ibon to xmal jjux," xi la. "Yechuk, kumale, ta xka7i nan." "Mu jna7 yu7un ti7 k'ok' chivay," xi la li much'u mal sjuxe. "Teyuk ta xka7i nan," xi la li skumale. Cha7i xpulule—t xa 7un. "Kumale, kumale, mal tajuxe," xi la. Bu, xch'ich'el xa li 7antz, te xa li j7ik'ale. "Ju—x tale, kumale!" xi la li j7ik'ale. that child's godmother. The comparable male relatives are compadres. I have translated the Spook's retort as, "The corn is ready, comadre!," but the meaning of hux tale is obscure. Hux is boiled corn. The meaning is much less important than the hideous enunication that the Spook gives to these nonsense words as he drawls them out. In Tale 67 the Spook says, "Your corn boiled over." See also T23, T67, T71, and their notes.
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Of Cabbages and Kings TALES FROM ZI
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FRONTISPIECE: Disguised Aztec merch
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ABSTRACT Laughlin, Robert M. Of Cab
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iv SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANT
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VI SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANT
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Acknowledgments It seemed a logical
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Epigraph "I see nobody on the road,
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GENESIS A second expectation create
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he himself made no connection betwe
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nineteen townships in the state of
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Linguistic Notes In order to make t
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FIGURE 7.—Tonik Nibak, 1961 (phot
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172 boy told me, my companion, my n
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228 he reached the place where the
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I'm sorry to say it was pretty well
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356 So he tossed his hair upwards.
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Postscript "Talk of many things, ..
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Acala 7Ach' Jtek-lum 7Ak'ol Mukenal
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Number Page 1. Romin Teratol 17 2.
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Aarne, Antti Amatus 1928. The Types
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Maps Nearly all the local place nam
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