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348 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY NUMBER 23<br />

gathered together. They used boiling water batz'i k'ak'al vo7 lakan noxtoke, 7isk'e—bbeik la ta<br />

women<br />

others. They boiled it another time. They j-mek 7un, laj ta k'ak'al vo7 7un, laj 7o sk oplal U<br />

on the<br />

j7ik'al 7une.<br />

thre—w lots on them. [The Spooks] died from the<br />

boiling water. That was the end of the Spooks.<br />

I recall Manvel's wife telling her version of this tale to her European clothing. As such, they served the role of majordomos<br />

young grandsons as they sat rapt in attention. She repeated it and foremen who most likely were entrusted with the task of<br />

when her daughter-in-law appeared, exclaiming over and over inflicting physical punishment on their master's Indian serfs<br />

how the women in the old days used to be bad, but braver and (Favre,1971:81-82). It is not farfetched to assume that the<br />

stronger.<br />

Spaniards increased their authority by spreading stories of the<br />

Now that the Spook is a thoroughly familiar character, I shall Africans' former cannibalistic appetities. The Spook's cave-<br />

try to present his pedigree.<br />

dwelling habits may possibly be traced to a memory of African<br />

First is the report of Bishop Nunez de la Vega:<br />

slaves who escaped from the lowlands and sought temporary<br />

refuge in the wildest mountain areas. This is supported by the<br />

Spanish name for the Spook, "Negro Cimarron," "Black<br />

Runaway Slave." So much for the Spook's mixed ancestry.<br />

The cultural role of this boogeyman is described in convincing<br />

detail by Sarah Blaffer, but I will restrict myself to her conclusions:<br />

In many towns of this bishopric seven Blacks, corresponding to<br />

the seven days of the week, are painted on the repertories or calendars<br />

for making divinations and predictions . and he whom they name<br />

Coxlahuntox (who is the devil, and according to the Indians has thirteen<br />

dominions) is painted on a throne, and he has horns on his head like a<br />

ram. The Indians are greatly afraid of Negroes because they preserve the<br />

memory of one of their original forefathers having the color of Ethiopians],<br />

who was a great warrior and extremely cruel according to a very<br />

ancient historical notebook in our possession that is written in their<br />

language. Those of Oxchuc and other towns of the lowlands hold in<br />

deep veneration [a god] called Yalajau (which should be corrected to<br />

Ical-Ajau) which means Chief Black or, <strong>Lo</strong>rd of the Blacks (Ordonez y<br />

Aguiar, 1907:13).<br />

A representation of this deity was carved on a beam of the<br />

church in Oxchuc "in the form of a ferocious Negro, like a piece<br />

of sculpture or a painted bust, with human limbs" (Payne,<br />

1932:63). It was destroyed by Bishop Nunez de la Vega in 1687.<br />

It is possible that Ical-Ajau is kin to Ek Chuah, the principal<br />

god of Yucatec merchants, who was always portrayed in black<br />

paint. This same god is also a warrior god. The intimate relation<br />

between Aztec merchants and conquest, already illustrated in<br />

the note of Tale 115, was probably not peculiar to the Aztecs.<br />

Drawing upon a multitude of parallels in Mayan literature<br />

from Yucatan and Guatemala, Sarah Blaffer concludes that the<br />

Spook is the ancient bat demon associated with sexuality, blood,<br />

sacrifice, and death (Blaffer, 1972:57-67). The name Zinacantan<br />

means "bat net." The Zinacantecs "called themselves Zotcil<br />

Vinic which is the same as saying batman. . . . Their ancestors<br />

. . . discovered a stone bat and considered it God and<br />

worshipped it" (Ximenes, 1929:360). Surely the Dominican friars<br />

did not hesitate to call it the Devil!<br />

In a sixteenth-century Tzotzil dicitionary compiled in Zinacantan,<br />

"hicaV is given as "negro de guinea" (Diccionario en<br />

lengua sotzil, n.d.:234). The Spook's negroid features may derive<br />

from a memory of the African slaves. Although Negroes are no<br />

longer native to the region, as lat as 1778 there were 723 living in<br />

San Cristobal. They were treated more as confidants than as<br />

slaves, for they were permitted to wear daggers and to dress in<br />

Once the Spook prayed to Our <strong>Lo</strong>rd.<br />

"Won't you give me permission. I want several of<br />

your children," he told St. Lawrence.<br />

"I won't ever give away my children. Why don't<br />

you go talk to John, see if he'll give you his," said St.<br />

Lawrence.<br />

The Spook and the Saints<br />

T68<br />

In these tales about spooks from all over the Maya area, the spooks<br />

and their victims share an equivalent anomalous status . . . ; furthermore,<br />

in the Black-man tales, the treatment dealt to a spook or to the<br />

spook's victims often reflects the offense committed. . More tentatively,<br />

the nixtamal in these myths is a euphemism for menstrual<br />

blood .... When [j7ik'al] seizes a woman at a task involved with<br />

cooking corn, and then kills her with an overdose of sexuality, I suggest<br />

that she is being punished for an underdose of care in her female<br />

responsibilities In order to depict a woman careless of her<br />

sexuality, Zinacantecos may choose the metaphor of a woman negligent<br />

during the times she should be most careful—when she is cooking corn<br />

and when she is in an ambiguous condition, as during menstruation<br />

. . By his own example and by the retributions he enacts,<br />

[j7ik'al] clarifies normative roles for men and women in Zinacantan<br />

(Blaffer, 1972:120-121).<br />

Several nights after helping me with the transcription of this<br />

tale of the scalding of the Spook, Romin Teratol, who had in<br />

recent days been assured by several people that he possessed the<br />

qualities of a shaman, had the following dream:<br />

A townsman had arrived on Romin's doorstep and asked him<br />

to please come and cure his wife. Romin consented. According<br />

to local custom, the shaman should bathe his patient and also the<br />

patient's "substitute," a live hen, with warm "flower water"—<br />

water in which sweet-smelling herbs have been brewed. But<br />

instead, Romin poured boiling water over his patient, whereupon<br />

she turned into a scalded hen right in front of Romin's<br />

astounded stepmother and the rest of the patient's family. Immediately<br />

they all accused him of being a witch. Since that time<br />

Romin never has had the proper dreams which signal the<br />

possession of shamanic power. See also T23, T71, T122, T145,<br />

and their notes.<br />

7A ti vo7ne yu7un la 7isk'opon 7a li kajvaltik 7a li<br />

j7ik'ale.<br />

Bweno, "Mi mu xavak'bon permiso ta jk'an<br />

jay-vo7uk lach'amale," xut la li San-lorenso.<br />

"Muk' bu chkak' jch'amal mi xak'ane, ba k'opono<br />

kik 7a li Xune, 7aver mi xayak'be," xi la 7un, 7a li<br />

San-lorenso 7une.

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