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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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English as an International <strong>Language</strong> 95<br />

control but not its nature, <strong>and</strong> by so doing ignores power <strong>and</strong> struggle<br />

in language. (Pennycook, 2003: 8)<br />

In the end, Pennycook (2003) argues that the ultimate effect of globalization<br />

on the use of English is neither homogenization nor heterogenization;<br />

rather it is ‘a fl uid mixture of cultural heritage . . . <strong>and</strong> popular culture . . .,<br />

of change <strong>and</strong> tradition, of border crossing <strong>and</strong> ethnic affi liation, of global<br />

appropriation <strong>and</strong> local contextualization’ (Pennycook, 2003: 10). This, he<br />

contends, is what the new global order is about.<br />

Sharing Pennycook’s belief that more attention needs to be given to the<br />

‘power <strong>and</strong> struggle in language’, I will use the term English as an international<br />

language as an umbrella term to characterize the use of English<br />

between any two L2 speakers of English, whether sharing the same culture<br />

or not, as well as between L2 <strong>and</strong> L1 speakers of English. I will argue<br />

that any examination of EIL must include attention to the global <strong>and</strong> local<br />

aspect of English <strong>and</strong> explore the way in which a specifi c use of English is<br />

impacted by issues of power <strong>and</strong> struggle. A specifi c example of English<br />

use will help to clarify my perspective.<br />

In our recent research (Kubota & McKay, 2009), we examined the role of<br />

EIL in the linguistic l<strong>and</strong>scape of a rural community in Japan where there<br />

is a growing number of language minority migrant workers, mainly from<br />

Brazil, China, Thail<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Vietnam. The local lingua franca is, of course,<br />

Japanese. However, the current emphasis on EIL in Japan has resulted in all<br />

children learning English rather than any of the minority languages spoken<br />

in the local area. It has also resulted in a commonly accepted assumption<br />

that the way to communicate with these migrants is through Japanese or<br />

English rather than other languages. In fact, when one of the middle school<br />

teachers found that a recent immigrant in her classroom did not underst<strong>and</strong><br />

Japanese, she resorted to English, assuming that these young immigrants<br />

should underst<strong>and</strong> an ‘international language’.<br />

While on the local level, bilingual speakers of Portuguese, Chinese,<br />

Thai <strong>and</strong> Vietnam are sorely needed, the second language that almost<br />

everyone is engaged in learning is English because as one teacher put it,<br />

‘you can’t soar into the world with Portuguese.... Improving Japan with<br />

Portuguese won’t let the country soar into the world’. It is situations such<br />

as this that demonstrate the need to examine the power <strong>and</strong> struggles that<br />

inform local uses of English. While in this particular local context Japanese,<br />

not English, is serving as a lingua franca, still the global role of English is<br />

exerting invisible symbolic power. My approach to current English use<br />

then emphasizes the localized nature of interactions <strong>and</strong> the power <strong>and</strong><br />

struggle that informs these interactions. Often in the local linguistic ecology,<br />

English plays more of a symbolic role than an actual medium of<br />

communication.

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