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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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4 Part 1: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ideology<br />

language users. As May (2001) explains, it is not the sole province of those<br />

attentive principally to minority languages, but rather an approach to<br />

investigation that can illuminate analysis of all languages, all communicative<br />

interactions <strong>and</strong> all circumstances of formal <strong>and</strong> informal language<br />

learning <strong>and</strong> teaching.<br />

Blommaert (1999) makes the case for the urgency of linguistic research<br />

informed by an ideological perspective because of the three distinctive contributions<br />

it can make. These contributions, he argues, exp<strong>and</strong> the possible<br />

impact of much conventional linguistic <strong>and</strong> applied linguistic research,<br />

which, in his view, has traditionally focused solely or mainly on language<br />

forms or functions without appropriate attention to the essential dimensions<br />

of the following: (1) historical context, or historicity, in relation to<br />

analyses of human interpretations <strong>and</strong> interactions within <strong>and</strong> across institutions;<br />

(2) materialism, which he defi nes as ‘an ethnographic eye for the<br />

real historical actors, their interests, their alliances, their practices, <strong>and</strong><br />

where they come from, in relation to the discourses they produce’<br />

(Blommaert, 1999: 7 ), a dimension that includes considerations of social<br />

<strong>and</strong> political power; <strong>and</strong> (3) verifi able reproducibility, the extent to which<br />

linguistic ideologies are absorbed into <strong>and</strong> transmitted by all sorts of institutions,<br />

including schools, administrative agencies, military <strong>and</strong> religious<br />

organizations, publications, advertisements <strong>and</strong> other media. He explains<br />

that the more a linguistic ideology is taken up in any setting, the more<br />

likely it is to undergo normalization, a ‘hegemonic pattern in which the<br />

ideological claims are perceived as “normal” ways of thinking <strong>and</strong> acting’<br />

(1999: 10–11). Linguistic ideologies thus infl uence our underst<strong>and</strong>ing of<br />

what is usual; they shape a constellation of ‘common sense’ beliefs about<br />

language <strong>and</strong> language use. As these beliefs continue to hold sway, they<br />

assume ever-greater force, regardless of their accuracy or correspondence<br />

to present realities. Blommaert’s dimensions of attention to the historicity<br />

of language practices, the details of their material context <strong>and</strong> their social<br />

reproducibility underscore the concern for power relationships of all types<br />

that informs language ideological research. Increased attention to the roles<br />

of power relationships within <strong>and</strong> across all institutions has characterized<br />

many applied linguistic investigations in the last 20 years, especially those<br />

done with an explicitly critical orientation (Pennycook, 1994, 2001) <strong>and</strong><br />

scholarly areas such as language policy (Ricento & Hornberger, 1996).<br />

Power relationships, of course, emerge in all human endeavors, for<br />

individuals <strong>and</strong> all the institutions that they create, maintain, challenge,<br />

<strong>and</strong> continually alter <strong>and</strong> reconstruct through their patterns of transaction<br />

<strong>and</strong> interaction. However, concerns about the relative power of individuals<br />

<strong>and</strong> groups have become particularly crucial <strong>and</strong> contentious at this<br />

moment because of the forces of globalization. Globalization is a multifaceted<br />

phenomenon with a tremendous variety of causes <strong>and</strong> manifestations,<br />

only some of which encompass language. As McKay <strong>and</strong>

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