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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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<strong>Language</strong> Policy <strong>and</strong> Planning 155<br />

planners responding to Defense calls for action with calls for more research,<br />

more exploration <strong>and</strong> more debate before formulating policy. Interpreting<br />

this as stalling she declared: ‘We can do this NOW! We just say what languages<br />

we need, get the money, train the teachers, <strong>and</strong> they do it. It isn’t<br />

rocket science!’ (Lo Bianco, 2008a: 172).<br />

Sources of LP Data <strong>and</strong> Moves Towards An Interactive,<br />

Democratic Practice<br />

LP might not be rocket science, but it is a complex <strong>and</strong> elusive activity.<br />

We both change <strong>and</strong> confi rm language as we use it. The discussion below<br />

proposes an interactive democratic LP based on dialogue accompanying<br />

technical expertise, <strong>and</strong> explores the unique role of teaching, <strong>and</strong> teachers,<br />

in LP.<br />

We can compare two classic <strong>and</strong> popular defi nitions of LP to begin<br />

exploration of new directions. These defi nitions are Cooper’s (1989: 45),<br />

quoted above, ‘. . . deliberate efforts to infl uence the behavior of others<br />

with respect to the acquisition, structure, or functional allocation of their<br />

language codes’; <strong>and</strong> Fishman’s (1994: 92) ‘. . . authoritative allocation of<br />

resources to language’. These defi nitions capture features of past<br />

approaches to LP refl ecting code-focus <strong>and</strong> expert-centred activity.<br />

In Cooper’s defi nition, the key idea is conscious infl uence brought to<br />

bear on the linguistic behaviour of others in three domains: learning, linguistic<br />

structure <strong>and</strong> functional use of languages. In this uni-directional<br />

approach through research, knowledge infl uence is exercised on the<br />

languages of other people. Fishman’s defi nition identifi es the role of<br />

authorities <strong>and</strong> resources <strong>and</strong> ties LP to offi cial decision making <strong>and</strong><br />

power. Both imply division between experts who gather knowledge,<br />

authorities who make decisions, <strong>and</strong> language users, teachers, or societies<br />

who take direction.<br />

Both defi nitions have the advantage of clarity <strong>and</strong> accurately depict a<br />

dominant academic view of what counts as LP <strong>and</strong> a component of the<br />

practice of LP. However, they unduly limit the scope of LP activity as it is,<br />

<strong>and</strong> more importantly what it could be; restricting the participants to nonelected<br />

experts recommending courses of action to non-expert offi cials.<br />

While allowing that offi cials change or reject recommendations, possibly<br />

infl uenced by their constituents, the models imply that this is rare. There<br />

are both obvious <strong>and</strong> obscure problems with such assumptions, because<br />

when we look very closely at how language change actually happens, we<br />

can see that even quite routine <strong>and</strong> ordinary social processes shape how<br />

language works, how it is used <strong>and</strong> how aspects of language are changed.<br />

Overly formal <strong>and</strong> deliberate requirements obscure the micro-dynamics<br />

of language change. Another unfortunate result of these defi nitions is that<br />

teachers <strong>and</strong> teaching are construed as mere implementers of plans <strong>and</strong>

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